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DISSERTATION 



ON 



THAT PORTION OF SCOTISH HISTORY, 

TERMED, 

THE GOWRY CONSPIRACY. 

IN WHICH 

AN ATTEMPT IS MADE TO POINT OUT, IN A SATISFACTORY 
MANNER, THE CAUSES OF THE CATASTROPHE WHICH TOOK 
PLACE AT PERTH, ON THE FIFTH OF AUGUST, 1600. 



BY WILLIAM PAN TON. 



PERTH: 

PRINTED BY R. MORISON ; 




AND SOLD BY 

LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, LONDON; 

AND J. AND J. ROBERTSON, EDINBURGH. 

1812. 



ERRATA, 

Page. line 

26 1 for remitted, read remanded. 

78 last line delete /. 

90 24 for London, read Loudon. 

99 16 Tenents, read Tenets. 

J.01 56 & 37 probably -were, read probably they -were. 

107 2Vb/<? to the Bible, read of the Bible. 

119 8 or, read «*. \ 

^o. 12 recess read access. 

139 3 he did consider, read £*• <&/ not consider. (In some copies*) 

144 30 tragedy, read forgery. 

145 25 had he, read fo #<zd, 

146 33 //&«r, read the. 



A 

DISSERTATION 

ON 

THAT PORTION OF SCOTTISH HISTORY 

TERMED 

THE GOWRY CONSPIRACY* 



OF the many dark transactions, recorded in Scotish 
History, few have been the subject of greater controversy, 
than that which took place in the end of the 16th Century, 
known by the name of Gowry's Conspiracy. No one is 
more deserving of investigation. 

In these rude and turbulent times, rapine and assassi* 
nation were far from being rare. But a young man, of a- 
miable manners, and a conciliating disposition, the chief of 
an ancient, potent, and opulent family, and the favourite of 
his fellow citizens, slain, in his own house, by his guests ; 
and these guests his sovereign and courtiers ; his next bro- 
ther put to death at the same time with himself; the rest of 
his friends proscribed ; such of his servants as evidenced any 
kind of fidelity towards him, hanged as traitors ; his own 
dead body treated with every kind of ignominy ; his name 
and race annihilated : and his property confiscated ; are no 
common occurrences. Yet, in the opinion of most people, 
this was the fate of John Earl of Gowry. One thing is cer- 
tain, whoever was the conspirator, the consequences to the 
Ruthven Family were such as must affect every contempla- 
tive mind. If the two brothers really made an attempt on 
the king, we may well say " grievous has the expiation 
been." But if the whole was no more than a contrivance 
of James ; words are insufficient to express his villany. 

The account of this affair, published by authority, gave 
satisfaction to only very few, at the time, and ever since, 

A 



there have not been wanting, persons who declared them- 
selves equally sceptical. 

For a long time, the public seemed to be divided into 
only two opinions relative to this matter, viz. those who 
were persuaded, or pretended to be so, that Gowry invited 
the king to his house, with the design of assassinating him, 
because of his cruelty to Earl William, father to John, his 
attachment to worthless favourites, and his encroachments 
on the liberties of the subject : and those who supposed it a 
plot of James, and some of his minions ; the one to get rid 
of the Earl, whom he hated and envied, the others to take 
that person out of the way, who was most likely to with- 
stand their corrupt and oppressive practices, and to obtain 
a division of his extensive domains amongst them. But of 
late, it has become customary, for Scotish Historians to re- 
present sOme of the most important occurrences, in a light 
quite new, and altogether different from that in which we 
have been accustomed to view them. Perhaps each suc- 
ceeding writer considers something of this kind as necessary 
to render his work interesting, well reflecting, that, as many 
relations of the Affairs of Scotland are already before the 
Public, its attention can only be attracted to any recent 
narrative, by novelty. And certainly, when supported by 
authentic documents, the developement of mystery, or cor- 
rection of misrepresentation, is a far more valuable trait in 
the historical character, than a repetition of former ac- 
counts, though in more polished language. Perhaps too, 
in the number of historians who have ventured to differ in 
particular points from their predecessors, there have been 
some, whose situation rendered it inconvenient for them, 
to expose to the public eye, the secret springs of the ac- 
tions of statesmen, even after a lapse of two hundred years. 

Whatever his reason was, Dr Principal Robertson gave 
it as his opinion, that the destruction of the Gowry Family 
was occasioned by an unsuccessful attempt of the two bro- 
thers, Earl John and the honourable Alexander Ruth- 
ven, not to murder but to seize the person of King James 
the Sixth* and deliver it up to Queen Elizabeth of England. 

This never proved a satisfactory solution of the mystery, 
(if a mystery there was,) and the public opinion seemed to 
revert to one or other of the original hypotheses, till, with- 
in these few years, that Mr Pinkerton, in an Appendix to 
the first volume of Laing's History, advances another, in 



which, the Earl is supposed entirely innocent and ignorant 
of every kind of conspiracy against his Sovereign: but that, 
his brother Alexander having criminal intercourse with 
James' Queen, Ann of Denmark, they (Alexander and 
Ann) formed the design of dethroning, if not of murdering 
His Majesty; that in endeavouring to accomplish this, 
by some unaccountable fatality, Alexander, on whom the 
executive part of the plot devolved, became insane, and so, 
being incapable of conducting the important enterprize, he 
lost his life in the attempt; and that the Earl was slain 
in mistake by the King's party, they supposing him engaged 
in the conspiracy, when he entered the apartment where 
Alexander made the attact, merely to learn the nature of 
the fray. 

That we may be enabled to form a competent judgment 
of these several theories, it will be proper, 

In the first place, to give the account published by au- 
thority of government, some weeks after the death of the 
two brothers, entitled, " A Discourse of the unnatural and 
vile conspiracy attempted by John, Earl of Gowry, and 
his brother, against His Majesty's person, at St Johnston, 
upon the 5th of August, 1.600 :" 

Secondly, briefly to state such circumstances relative to 
this affair, as are omitted in the " Discourse," or have taken 
place since it was published : 

Thirdly, to transcribe from the Public Records, the 
depositions of the Witnesses, and an account of the other 
proceedings at the Precognitions and Trial : 

Fourthly, to enquire, as far as we have in our power, 
into the characters of the Witnesses, Judges, Parties, and 
other Persons concerned in this Transaction, so as to as>- 
certain, as near as possible, what credibility is due to their 
evidence, or what their motives were, for intermeddling in 
the affair: 

And Lastly, by such inferences as may fairly be deduced 
from the whole, endeavour to discover which of the four 
theories that have been proposed, is the most probable. 



I mo. A Discourse of the unnatural and vile Conspiracy, %c t 

His Majestie having his residence at Falkland, and be- 
ing daily at the Buck-hunting (as his use is in jthat season) 

A 2 



upon the fifth day of August, being Tuesday, hee raide out 
to the Park, between six and seven o'clock in the morning, 
the weather being wonderful pleasant and seasonable. But 
before His Majestie could leap on horse-back, His High- 
nesse being now come down by the equerie ; all the hunts- 
men with the hounds, attending His Majestie on the green, 
and the Court making to their horses, as His Highnesse 
self was, Master Alexander Ruthven, second brother to 
the late Earl of Gowrie, being then lighted in the town of 
Falkland, hasted him fast down to overtake His Majestie 
before his onleaping, as hee did. Where meeting His 
Highnesse, after a low courtesie, bowing his head under 
His Majestie's knee, (although hee was never wont to make 
so lowe a courtesie) drawing His Majestie aparte, hee be- 
gins to discourse with him, (but with a very dejected coun- 
tenance, his eies ever fixed upon the earth) how that it 
chanced him, in the evening before, to be walking abroad 
about the fields, taking the ayre solitairie alone, without 
the town of St Johnston, where his present dwelling with 
the Lordc his brother was, and there, by accident affirmed 
to have recountered a base-like fellow unknowne to him, 
with a cloke, cast about his mouth; whom, as hee enquired 
his name and what his errand was to be passing in so soli- 
tary a part, being from all waics ; the fellow become on a 
sodaine so amazed, and his tongue so faultered in his mouth, 
that, upon his suspicious behaviour, hee beganne more 
narrowly to look unto him, and examine him : and per- 
ceiving that there appeared something to be hid under his 
cloke, he did cast by the lappet of it, and so finds a great 
wide pot to be under his arme, all full of coined gold in 
great pieces, assuring His Majestie, that it was in very 
great quantity. Upon the sight whereof (as he affirmed) 
hee took back the fellow with his burthen to the towne, 
where hee, privately, without the knowledge of any man, 
took the fellow and bound him in a privy denied house ; 
and after locked many doors upon him, and had hasted 
him out of St Johnston, that day by four hours in the 
morning, to make His Majestie advertised thereof, accord- 
ing to his bound duty, earnestly requesting His Majestie, 
with all diligence and secresie, that His Majestie might 
take order therewith, before any knew thereof, swearing 
and protesting, that hee had yet concealed it from all men, 
yea? from the Earl bis, own (brother. His Majestie's first 



answer was, (after thanking him for his good will) that it 
could not become His Majestie, to meddle any waies in 
that matter, since no man's treasure that is a free and law- 
ful subject, can by the law, appertain unto the king, ex- 
cept it be found hid under the earth, as this was not ; where- 
unto he answered, That the fellow confessed unto him, that 
lie was going to have hid it under the ground, but could 
not take leasure at that time to enquire any further of him. 
Whereunto His Majestie replied, That there was great dif- 
ference betwixt a deed and the intention of a deed ; his in- 
tention to have hid it, not being alike as if it had been hid. 
Maistcr Alexander's answer was, That hee thought His 
Majestie over scrupulous in such a matter, tending so great- 
ly to His Majestie's profit ; and that, if his Majestie defer- 
red to meddle with it, that it might bee that the Lorde his 
brother, and other great men, might meddle with it, and 
make His Majestie the more adoe. Whereupon the king 
beginning to suspect, that it had been some forreigne gold 
brought home by some Jesuits or practising Papists, (there- 
with to stirr up some new sedition, as they have oftentimes 
done before,) inquired of the said Maister Alexander, what 
kind of coin it was ? and what a fellow he was that carried 
it? His answer was, That so farre as he could take leizure 
to see them, that they seemed to be forreigne strokes of 
coyne; and altho' the fellow, both by his language and 
fashions, seemed to be a Scots fellow, yet he could never 
remember that he had seen him before. These speeches 
increased His Majestie's suspicion, that it was foraine coyne 
brought in by some practising Papists, and to be distribut- 
ed into the countrie, as is said before, and that the fellow 
that carried it was some Scots Priest, or Seminarie, so dis- 
guised for the more sure transporting thereof. 

Whereupon His M ajestic resolved, that he would send 
back with the said Maister Alexander a servant of his own, 
with a warrant to the Provost and Bailiiffes of St Johns- 
ton, to receive both the fellow, and the money at Maister 
Alexander's hand, and after they had examined the fellow, 
to retain him and the treasure till His Majestie's further 
pleasure was knowne. 

Whereat the said Maister Alexander stirred marvellous- 
ly : affirming and protesting that if either the Lorde hi* 
brother, or the Bailliffes of the towne, were put on the 
counsail thereof, His IVJajestie would get a very badda 



6 m 

count made to him of tliat treasure, swearing, that the 
great love and affection hee bare unto His Majestie, had 
made him to preferre His Majestie in this case, both unto 
himself and his brother : for the which service he humbly 
craved that recompense, that His Majestie would take the 
paynes once to ride thither, that he might be the first seer 
thereof himself; which being done, he would remit to His 
Majestie's owne honourable discretion, how far it would 
please His Majestie to consider upon him for that service. 
His Highness being stricken in great admiration, both 
of the uncou thnesse of the tale, and of the strange and stu- 
pide behaviour of the reporter ; and the Court being al- 
ready horsed, wondering at His Majestie's so long stay 
with the gentleman, the morning being so faire, the game 
already found, and the huntsmen staying so long on the 
fields for His Majestie; hee was forced to break off; only 
with these wordes, that hee could not stay any longer from 
his sport, but that hee would consider of the matter, and, 
at the end of his chace, give him a resolute answer, what 
order he would take therein ; whereupon His Majestie part- 
ed in haste from him towards the place where the game 
was. 

" Maister Alexander parting from His Majestie very mis- 
content, that indelayedly he raide not to Saint Johnstoun, 
as he desired him; protesting that His Majestie would 
not find every day such a choice of hunting as hee had of- 
fered to him ; and that hee feared that His Majestie's long 
delay, and slowness of resolution, would breed leizure to 
the fellow, who was laying bound, to cry, or make suck 
dinne as would disappoint the secrecie of the whole pur- 
pose, and make both the fellow and the treasure to be med- 
dled with, before any word could come from His Majestie ; 
as also that his brother woidd misse him, in respect of his 
absence that morning, which, if His Majestie had pleasde to 
haste, hee might have prevented, arriving there in the time 
of his brother's, and the whole town's being at the sermon ; 
whereby His Majestie might have taken such secret order 
with that matter, as hee pleased, before their outcoming from 
the church. But His Majestie, without any further an- 
swering him, leapinge on horseback and riding to tfye dogs, 
where they were beginning to hunt, the said Mr Alexander 
stayed still in that place, where hee had left His Majestie, 
and having two men with him appointed by the Earl his 



brother, to carry backe unto him the certayiie news in ail 
haste of His Majestie's coining, (as hereafter more parti- 
cularly shall in this same discourse be declared.) 

He directed one of them, called Andrew Henderson, 
chamberlaine to the said Earl, to ride in all haste to the 
Earle, commanding him, as he loved his brother's honour, 
that he should not spare for spilling his horse, and that hee 
should advertise the Earle, that hee hoped to move His Ma- 
jestie to come thither, and that hee should not yet look for 
him for the space of three hours thereafter, because of His 
Majestie's hunting, adding these words, " Praye my Lorde, 
my brother to prepare dinner for us." But His Majestic 
was no sooner ridden up a little hill above the little woode, 
where the dogs were layde on in hunting, but that, not- 
withstanding the pleasant beginning of the chace, he could 
not stay from musing and wondering upon the news. Where- 
upon, without making any body acquainted with his pur- 
pose, finding John Nesmith, chirurgian, by chance riding 
beside him, His Majestie directed him back to bring Mais- 
ter Alexander with him; who being brought unto His 
Majestie, and having newly directed, as said is, one of his 
men that was with him backe to my Lorde his brother, His 
Majestie unknowing or suspecting that any man living had 
come witli him ; then told him that hee had been advising 
with himself, and in respect of his last words so earnest 
with him, he resolved to ride thither for that errand in his 
own person, how soon the chace was ended, which was al- 
ready begunne. Like as His Majestie upon the very end- 
ing of these wordes, did ride away in the chace, the said 
Maister Alexander did follow him at his backe; no other 
creature being with His Majestie, but hee, and John Ha- 
milton of Grange, one of His Majestie's master stablers, the 
rest of the court being all before in the chase, His Majestie 
only being cast back upon the staying to speake with Mais- 
ter Alexander, as is before sayde. 

The chase lasted from about seaven of the clock in the 
morning, untill eleven and more, being one of the greatest 
and sorest chases that ever His Majestie was at : all which 
time the said Maister Alexander was, for the most part, 
ever at His Majestie's backe, as is said. But there never 
was any stope in the chase, or so small a delay, that the 
said Maister Alexander ommitted to round His Majestie, 
earnestly requesting him to*hasten the end of the hunting, 



that hee might ride the sooner to St Johnstown, so as, at 
the death of the bucke, His Majestie not staying upon the 
curry of the diere, (as his use is) scarcelie took time to alight, 
awayting the coming of a fresh horse to ride on, the great- 
ness of the chase having wearied his horse. 

But the said Maister Alexander would not suffer the 
King to stay in the park where the bucke was killed, while 
his fresh horse which was already sent for, was brought 
out of the equerie to him, (altho' it was not two flight- 
shot off betwixt the parte where the bucke was killed, and 
His Majestie's equerie :) but with verie importunitie forced 
His Majestie to leape on again upon the same horse, that 
he had hunted all the day upon, his fresh horse being made 
to gallop a mile of the way to overtake him ; His Majestie 
not staying so much as upon his sword, nor while the Duke 
and the Earle of Mar with diverse other gentlemen, in his 
company had changed their horses: only saying unto them, 
that he was to ride to St Johnstoun to speak with the Earle 
of Gowrie, and that he would be presently back again be- 
fore even. 

Whereupon some of the court galloped back to Falk- 
land as fast as they could, to chaunge horse, but could not 
overtake His Majestie untill he came within a few miles of 
St Johnstoun. Others rid forward with their horses, wea- 
ried as they were, whereof some were compelled to alight 
by the way ; and had they not both refreshed their horses, 
fed them, and given them some grasse, by the way, they 
had not carried them to Saint Johnstoun i the cause of 
His Majestie's servants following so fast, undesired by him, 
being only grounded upon a suspition they had conceived, 
that His Majestie's intention of riding was for the appre- 
hension of the Maister of Oliphant, one who had lately 
done a vile and proud oppression in Angus ; for repairing 
of the which, they thought that His Majestie had some 
purpose for his apprehension. 

But the said Maister Alexander seeing the Duke and 
the Earle of Mar, with diverse of the court, getting fresh 
horse for following of His Majestie, earnestlie desired him 
that he would publish to his whole traine, that since he was 
to return the same evening, as is afore sayde, they needed 
net follow him, especiallie that hee thought it meetest His- 
Majestie should stay the Duke and the Earle of Mar to 
follow him, and that he should only take three or four of 



his own servants with him ; affirming that if any nobleman 
followed him, he could not answer for it; but that they 
would marre the whole purpose. Whereuppon His Majes- 
tie, half angry, replyed that hee would not mistrust the 
Duke nor the Earle of Mar in a greater purpose than that, 
and that hee could not understand what hindrance any 
man could make in that errand. 

But these last speeches of Maister Alexander made the 
King begin to suspect what it should meanne: whereuppon, 
many and sundrie thoughts beganne to enter into the 
King's mind: yet His Majestic could never suspect any 
harme to be intended against His Highnesse by the young 
gentleman, with whom His Majestie had been so well ac- 
quainted, as he had not long before been in suite to be one 
of the gentlemen of his chamber : so as, the farthest that 
his suspition could reach to, was, that it might be that the 
Earle his brother had handled him so hardly, that the 
young gentleman being of a hie spirit, had taken such 
displeasure, as he was become somewhat beside himselfj 
which His Majestie conjectured, as well by his raised and 
uncouth staring, and continual pensiveness all the time of 
the hunting, as likewise by such strange sort of unlikely 
discourses, as are already mentioned. 

Whereuppon the King took occasion to make the Duke 
of Lennox acquainted with the whole purpose, enquiring 
of him very earnestlie, what he knew of the young gentle- 
man's nature being his brother-in-law, and if he had per- 
ceived him to be subject to any high apprehensions ? His 
Majestie declaring his suspition plainlie to the said Lorde 
Duke, that he thought him not well settled in his witts ; 
alweis desiring my Lorde Duke not to fail to accompanie 
him into that house where the allegid fellow and treasure 
was. 

The Lorde Duke wondered much at that purpose, and 
thought it very unliklie ; yet he affirmed that he could ne- 
ver perceive any such appearance in that gentleman's in- 
clination. But Maister Alexander perceiving His Majes- 
tie's privy conference with the Duke, and suspecting the 
purpose as it appeared, came to the King requesting His 
Majestie very earnestlie, he should make none living ac- 
quainted with that purpose, nor suffer none to go with His 
Majestie where he should convey him, but himself only, 
until His Majestie had once seen the fellow and his trea- 



10 

sure: whereunto His Majestie, half laughing* gave answere, 
that he was no good teller of money, and behoved there- 
fore to have some to help him in that errand. His reply 
was, that he would suffer none to see it but His Majestie's 
self at the first, but afterwards he might call in whom hee 
pleased. 

These speeches did so increase his suspition, that then 
hee beganne directlie to suspect some treasonable devise, 
yet many suspitions and thoughts overwhelming everie one 
another in his mind, His Majestie could resolve uppon 
no certain thing, but rode further on his journey, betwixt 
trust and distrust, being ashamed to seem to suspect, in 
respect of the cleannesse of His Majestie's own conscience, 
except he had found some greater ground. Maister Al- 
exander still pressing the King to ride faster, tho' his 
own horse was scarcelie able to keep company with the 
King for weariness, having ridden with him all the chase 
before, the King being come two miles from Falkland, 
Maister Alexander stayed a little behind the King in the 
way, and posted away the other servant Andrew Ruthven 
to the Earle his brother ; advertising him how far the King 
was on his way to come thither. Then how soone soever 
the King came within a mile of St. Johnstoun, he said to 
His Majestie, that he would post in before, to advertise 
the Earle his brother of His Majestie's coming : who, at 
his incoming to him was sitting at the midst of his dinner, 
never seeming to take knowledge of the King's coming, 
till his brother told it him, notwithstanding, that two of 
his servants had advertized him thereof before. And im- 
mediately upon his brother's report, rising in haste from 
the board and warning all the servants and friends to ac- 
company him to meet His Majestie; who met him with 
three or fourscore men at the end of the Inche, His Ma- 
jestie's whole traine, not exceeding the number of fifteen 
persons, and all without any kind of armour, except 
swordes, no, not so much as daggers or whingers; His 
Majestie stayed an hour after his coming to the said Earl's 
lodging in Saint Johnstoun before his dinner came in. The 
langsomeness of preparing the same, and badness of the 
cheere being excused upon the sodaine coming of His Ma- 
jestie, unlooked for there. 

During which time His Majestie enquired of Maister 
Alexander, when it was time for him to goe to that private 



11 

house about that matter whereof he had informed him : who 
answered him, that all was sure enough, but that there was 
no haste yet for an hour, till the King had dined at lei- 
zure, praying His Majestie to leave him and not to be 
scene to rounde with him before his brother, who, having 
missed him that morning might thereupon suspect what the 
matter should meane. Therefore His Majestie addressed 
himself to the Earle, and discoursed with him upon sun- 
drie matters, but could get no direct answer of him, but 
half wordes and imperfect sentences. 

His Majestie being set down to his dinner, the said Earle 
stood very pensive, and with a dejected countenance, at 
the end of His Majestie's table, oft rounding over his should- 
er, one while to one of his servants, and another while to 
another, and oftimes went out and in to the chamber. 
Which forme of behaviour, he likewise kept before the 
King's sitting downe to dinner, but without any welcom- 
ing of His Majestie, or any other hearty form of enter- 
tainment. The noblemen and gentlemen of the court that 
were with His Majestie standing about the table, and not 
desired to dine (as the use is when His Majestie is once set 
downe, and his first service brought up,) untill His Majes- 
tie had almost dined. At which time the Earle convoyed 
them forth to their dinner, but sat not downe with them 
himself (as the common manner is,) but came backe, and 
stood silent at the end of the King's table, as he did be- 
fore ; which His Majestie perceiving, beganne to entertaine 
the Earle in a homely manner, wondering he had not 
remained to dine with his guests, and entertayne them 
there. 

His Majestie being readie to rise from table, and all his 
servants in the hall at their dinner, Maister Alexander 
standing behind His Majestie's backe, pulled quietly upon 
him, rounding in His Majestie's care, that it was time to goe, 
but that hee would faine have been quit of the Earle his 
brother, wishing the King to send him out into the hall, 
to entertayne his guests, whereupone the King called for 
drinke, and in a merrie and homely manner, sayde to the 
Earle, that altho' the Earle had seen the fashion of enter- 
taynments, in other countries, yet he would teach him the 
Scotish fashion, seeing he was a Scotish man ; and there- 
fore, since he had forgotten to drink to His Majestie, or 
sit with his guests and entertayne them, His Majestie would 

B 2 



12 

drink to him his owne welcome, desiring him to take it 
forth and drink to the rest of the company, and in His 
Majestie's name to make them welcome. Whereuppone, 
as he went forth, His Majestie rose from the table, and de- 
sired Maister Alexander to bring Sir Thomas Erskine with 
him ; who desiring the King to go forward with him, and 
promising that he should make any one or two to follow 
him that he pleased to call for, desiring His Majestie to 
command publickly, that none should follow him. Thus 
the King accompanied only with the sayde Maister Alex- 
ander, comes forth of the chamber, passeth through the 
end of the hall where the Noblemen and His Majestie's 
servants were sitting at their dinner, up a turnpeeck and 
thro' three or four chambers, the sayde Mr Alexander ever 
locking behind him every door as he passed : and then with 
a more smiling countenance than he had all the day be- 
fore, ever saying, he had him sure and safe enough kept, un- 
till at the last, His Majestie passing thro' three or four sund- 
rie houses, and all the doors locked behind him, His Ma- 
jestic entered into a little study, where he saw standing with 
an abased countenance, not a bondman, but a freeman, 
with a dagger at his girdle, but His Majestie had no soon- 
er entered into that little study and Maister Alexander with 
him, but Maister Alexander locked to the study door be- 
hind him, and at that instant changing his countenance, 
putting his hatte on his head, and drawing the dagger from 
that other man's girdle, held the point of it to the King's 
breast, avowing now that the King behoved to be in his 
will, and used as he list ; swearing many bloody oaths, that 
if the King cried one worde, or opened a window to look 
out, that dagger should presently go to his heart : affirm- 
ing that hee was sure that howe the King's conscience was 
burthened for murthering his Father. His Majestie won- 
dering at so sodaine an alteration, and standing naked 
without any kind of armour but his hunting horn, which 
he had not gotten leizure to lay from him, betwixt these 
two Traitors who had conspired his life ; the sayde Maisr 
ter Alexander standing (as sayde is) with a dagger in his 
hand, and his sword at his side ; but the other trembling 
and quaking, rather like one condemned, than an execu- 
tioner of such enterprise. 

His Majestie begunne then to dilatte to the sayde Mais- 
ter Alexander, how horrible a thing it was for him, to 



13 

meddle with His Majestie's innocent blood, assuring him 
it would not be left unrevenged, since God had given him 
children and good subjects, and if they neyther, yet God 
would raise uppe stocks and stones to punish so vile a deed. 
Protesting before God, that hee had no burthen in his con- 
science for the execution of his Father, both in respect that 
at the time of his Father's execution, His Majestic was but 
a minor of age, and guided at that time by a faction which 
over-ruled both His Majestie and the rest of the country ; 
as also that whatsoever was done to his Father, it was done 
by the ordinary course of law and justice. Appealing the 
sayde Maister Alexander upon his conscience, how well hee 
at all times since deserved at the hands of all his race, not 
only having restored them to all their lands and dignities, 
but also nourishing and bringing up of two or three of his 
Sisters, as it were in his owne bosome, by a continued at- 
tendance uppone His Majestie's dearest bed-fellow in her 
privy chamber. 

Laying also before him the terrors of his conscience, es- 
peciallie that hee made profession, according to his educa- 
tion, of the same religion that His Majestie had ever pro- 
fessed ; and namely, His Majestie remembered him of that 
holy man, Mr Robert Rollock, whose schollar hee was, as- 
suring him, that one day, the sayde Mr Robert's soule 
would accuse him, that hee never learned of him to practice 
such unnatural cruelty ; His Majestie promising to him, on 
the word of a Prince, that if hee would spare his life, and 
suffer him to go out againe, he never would reveale to any 
flesh living what was betwixt them at that time, nor never 
suffer him to incur any harm or punishment for the same. 

But His Majestie's fear was, that he could hope for no 
sparing at his hands, having such crueltie in his looks, and 
standing so irreverently with his hatte on, which form of 
rigorous behaviour, could prognosticate nothing to His 
Majestie but present extremitie. But, at His Majestie's 
pursuasive language, he appeared to be somewhat amazed, 
and uncovering his head, againe swore and protested that 
His Majestie's life should be safe if he would behave hiim- 
self quietly, without making noise or crying ; and that he 
would only bring in the Earle his brother to speake with 
His Majestie. Whereuppon His Majestie enquiring, what 
the Earle would do with him, since (if His Majestie's life 
mis safe according to promise) they could gain little in 



14 

keeping such a prisoner. His answere only was, that hee 
could tell His Majestie no more, but that his life should be 
safe, in case hee behaved himself quietlie, the Earl his bro- 
ther, whome hee was going for, would tell His Majestie at 
his coming. With that, as he was going forth for his bro- 
ther, as hee affirmed, hee turned him about to the other 
man, saying these wordes unto him, I make you here the 
King's keeper, till I come backe againe, and see that you 
keep him upon your own peril : and therewithall sayde to 
His Majestie, you must content yourselfe to have this man 
now for your keeper, till my coming backe. 

With these wordes, he passeth forth, locking the door 
behind him, leaving His Majestie, with that man he found 
there before him, of whom His Majestie then enquired, if 
he were appointed to be the murtherer of him at that time, 
and how farre he was upon the counseil of that conspiracy ? 
whose answer, with a trembling and astonished voice and 
behaviour was, That as the Lord should judge him, he was 
never made acquaynted with that purpose, but that he was 
put in there per force, and the door locked upon him, a 
little space before His Majestie's coming : as indeed all the 
time of the sayde Maister Alexander's menacing His Ma- 
jestie, hee was ever trembling, requesting him for God's 
sake, and with many other attestations, not to meddle with 
His Majestie, nor to do him any harme. But because 
Maister Alexander had, before his going forth, made the 
King swear hee should not cry nor open any window, His 
Majestie commanded the sayde fellow to open the window 
on his right hand, which hee reacliely did : so that altho* 
hee was put in there, to use violence on the King, yet God 
so turned his heart, as hee became a slave to his prisoner. 

While His Majestie was in this dangerous estate, and 
none of his own servants, nor traine knowing where hee 
was, and as His Majestie's traine was arising in the halle from 
their dinner, the Earle of Gowrie being present with them, 
one of the Earle of Gowrie's servants comes hastily in, as- 
suring the Earle his Maister, that His Majestie was horsed 
and away thro' the Inche; which the Earle reporting to the 
noblemen and the rest of His Majestie's traine that was there 
present, they all rushed out together at the gate in great 
baste: and some of His Majestie's servants enquiring of the 
Porter, when His Majesty went forth ? The Porter affirm- 
ed that the King was not yet gone forth. Whereuppone 



15 

the Earle looked very angrilie upon him, and sayde he was 
but a liar, yet turning him to the Duke, and to the Earle 
of Mar sayde, he would presently get them sure word 
where His Majestie was : and w r ith that, ranne through the 
close, and up the staires. But his purpose indeed was to 
speak to his brother, as appeared very well by the circum- 
stance of time, his brother having at that same instant left 
the King in the little study, and ranne down the stairs in 
great haste. 

Immediately after, the Earle cometh back running a- 
gaine to the gate, where the noblemen and the rest were 
standing in amaze, assuring them that the King was gone 
long since out at the back yette, and if they hasted them 
not the sooner, they would not overtake him: and with 
that, called for his horse ; whereat they rushed all together 
out at the gate, and made towards the Inche, crying all for 
their horses; passing all as it was the providence of God un- 
der one of the windows of the study wherein His Majestie 
was. Mr Alexander very speediely returned, and at his. 
incomming to His Majestie, casting his hands abroad in a 
desperate manner, sayde, hee could not mend it ; His Ma- 
jestie behoved to die; and with that, offered a garter to 
bind His Majestie's hands with, swearing he behoved to be 
bound. 

His Majestie at that word of binding, sayde, he was 
born a free King, and should die a free King. Whereup- 
pon hee gripping His Majestie by the wrest of the hand, to 
have bound him, His Majestie sodainly relieved himself of 
his gripps : whereuppon, as he put his right hand to his 
sword, His Majestie with his right hand seized upon both 
his hand and his sworde, and with his left hand clasped 
him by the throat, like as he with his left hand claspt the 
King by the throat, with two or three of his fingers in His 
Majestie's mouth, to have stayed him from crying : in this 
manner of wrestling His Majestie per force drove him to 
the window, which hee had caused the other man to open 
unto him, and under the which was passing by at the same 
time the King's traine, and the Earle of Gowrie with then}, 
as is sayde, and holding out the right side of his head and 
right elbow, cried that they were murthering him there in 
that treasonable forme ; w r hose voice being instantly heard 
and knowne by the Duke of Lennox and the Earle of Mar, 
and the rest of His Majestie's train there, the said Earle of 



16 

Gowrie ever asking what it meant ? and never seeming any 
waves to have seene His Majestie, or heard his voice, they 
all rushed in at the gate together, the Duke and the Earle 
of Mar, running about to come by that passage His Majes- 
tie came in at. But the Earle of Gowrie and his servants 
made them for another way up a quiet turnpeek, which 
was ever condemned before, and was only then left open 
(as appeared) for that purpose. And in this meantime His 
Majestie with struggling and wrestling with the sayde 
Maister Alexander, had brought him per force, out of that 
study, the door whereof, for haste, had been left open at 
his last incomming, and His Majesty having gotten (with 
long struggling) the sayde Maister Alexander's head under 
his arme, and himself oh his knee, His Majestie drove him 
backe per force hard to the door of the sayde turnpeek, and 
as His Majestie was throwing his sword out of his hand, 
thinking to have stricken him therewith, and then to have 
shotte him over the staire, the other fellow standing behind 
the King's back and doing nothing but trembling all the 
time, Sir John Ramsay not knowing which way first to en- 
ter, after he had heard the King's cry, by chance finds that 
turnpeek doore open, and following it up to the head, en- 
ters into the chamber, and finds His Majestie and Maister 
Alexander struggling in that forme, as is before sayde, and 
after hee had twice or thrice stricken Maister Alexander 
with his dagger, the other man withdrew himselfe, His 
Majestie still keeping his grippes, and holding him close 
to him : immediately thereafter he tooke the sayde Maister 
Alexander by the shoulders, and shotte him down the stair, 
who was no sooner shotte out at the doore, but hee was 
met by Sir Thomas Erskine and Sir Hew Harris, who 
there, upon the stair, ended him ; the sayde Sir Thomas 
Erskine being cast behind the Duke and the Earle of Mar, 
that ran about the other way by the occasion of his med- 
dling with the sayde late Earle in the street after the hear- 
ing of His Majestie's cry. For upon the hearing thereof 
he had clasped the Earle of Gowrye by the gorget, and 
casting him under his feet, and wanting a dagger to have 
strucken him with, the sayde Earle's men rid the Earle 
their Maister out of his hands ; whereby he was cast be- 
hind the rest as is said; and missing the company, and 
hearing the sayde Sir John Ramsay's voice upon the turn- 
peek head, ranne up to the said chamber, and cryed upon 



17 

the sayde Sir Hew Harris and another servant to follow 
him : where, meeting with the sayde Mr Alexander in the 
turnpeek, he ended him there, as is sayde ; Alexander cry- 
ing for his last wordes, alas ! I had not the wyte of it. But 
no sooner could the said Sir Thomas, Sir Hew, and ano- 
ther servant winne into the chamber where His Majestie 
was, but that the sayde Earle of Gowrye, before they could 
get the doore shut followed them in the back, having cast 
him to come up that privy passage as is before sayde : who, 
at his first entry, having a drawne sworde in everie hand, 
and a steel bonnet on his head, accompanied with seven 
of his servants, everie one of them having in like manner 
a drawn sworde, cried out with a great oath, that they 
should all die as traitors. All which time, His Majestie 
was still in the chamber, who, seeing the Earle of Gowrye 
come in with his swordes in his hands, sought for Maister 
Alexander's sworde which had fallen from him, at his out- 
shutting at the doore, having no sort of weapons of his 
owne, as is sayde ; but then was shut backe by his owne 
servants, that were there, into the little study, and the 
doore shut upon him: who, having put His Majestie in 
safety, rencountred the sayde Earle and his servants, His 
Majestie's servants being only in number four, to wit, Sir 
Thomas Erskine, Sir Hew Harris, Sir John Ramsay, and 
one Wilson, a servant of James Erskine's, brother of the 
sayde Sir Thomas, the sayde Earle having seven of his own 
servants with him : yet it pleased God, after many strokes 
on all hands, to give His Majestie's servants the victorie, 
the said Earle of Gowrye being stricken dead with a stroke 
thro' the heart, which the saide Sir John Ramsay gave 
him, without once crying upon God, and the rest of his ser- 
vants dung over the stairs with many hurts, as in like man- 
ner the said Sir Thomas Erskine, Sir Hew Harris, and 
Sir John Ramsay, were all three very sore hurt and 
wounded. 

But all the time of this fight, the Duke of Lennox, the 
Earle of Mar, and the rest of His Majestie's traine, were 
striking with great hammers at the outer doore, whereby 
His Majestie passed up to the chamber with the said Mais- 
ter' Alexander, which also he had locked in his by coming 
with His Majestie to the chamber, but by reason of the 
strength of the sayde double doore, the whole wall being 
likewise of boards, and yielding with the strokes : it did 



18 

bide them the space of half an houre and more before they 
could get it broken, and have entransie, who, having met 
with His Majestic, delivered from so imminent a perill, and 
the said late Earle, the principal conspirator, lying dead 
at His Majestie's feet, immediately thereafter, His Ma- 
jestie kneeling down on his knees, in the midst of his owne 
servants, and they all kneeling round about him, His Ma^ 
jestie out of his owne mouth, thanked God for that mira- 
culous deliverance and victory, assuring himself, that God 
had preserved him from so despaird a perill, for the per- 
fecting of some greater work behind, to his glory, and for 
procuring by him the weale of his people, that God had 
committed to his charge. After this, the tumult of the 
town hearing of the slaughter of the sayde Earle of Gowrye, 
the Provost, and not knowing the manner thereof, nor be- 
ing of the counsail of his treasonable attempt, continued 
for the space of two or three hours thereafter, untill His 
Majestie, by speaking oft to them out of the windows, and 
beckoning to them with his own hand, pacified them, 
causing the Bailliflfes and the rest of the honest men of the 
town to be brought into the chamber ; to whome, having 
declared the whole forme of that strange accident, he com- 
mitted the house and bodies of the sayde traitorous brethren 
to their keeping, untill His Majestie's further pleasure were 
known. His Majestie having before his parting out of the 
towne caused searche the sayde Earle of Gowrye's pockets, 
in case any letters that might further the discovery of the 
conspiracy might be found therein. But nothing was found 
in them, but a little close parchment bag full of magical 
charracters and wordes of inchantment, wherein it seemed 
that he had put his confidence, thinking himself never safe 
without them, and therefore ever carried them about with 
him ; being also observed, that while they were uppon him, 
his wound whereof he died bled not, but incontinent after 
the taking of them away, the blood gushed out in great a- 
bundance, to the great admiration of all the beholders : an 
infamy which hath followed and spotted the race of this 
house for many descents, as is notoriously known to the 
whole countrie. 

Thus, the night was far spent, being near eight hours 
of the evening before His Majestie could (for the great tu- 
mult that was in the towne,) depart out of the same. But, 
before His Majestie had ridden four myles out of the same 



19 

towards Falkland, although the night was very dark ana 
rainy, the whole way was clad with all sort of people, both 
horse and foot, meeting him with great joy and acclama- 
tion. The frequence and concourse of persons of all de- 
grees to Falkland the rest of the week, and to Edinburgh 
the next, from all the quarters of the countrie, the testimo- 
nie of the subjects hearty affection and joy for His Majes- 
tie's delivery, expressed every where, by ringing of bells, 
bone-fires, shooting off guns of all sortes, both by sea and 
land, &c. with all other things ensuing thereuppon, I have 
of set purpose pretermitted, as well knowne to all men, 
and impertinent to this discourse, contenting myself with 
this plain and simple narration, adding only, for explana- 
tion and confirmation thereof, the depositions of certain 
persons who were either actors, or eye-witnesses, or imme- 
diate hearers of those things that they declare and testifie ; 
wherein, if the reader shall find any thing differing from 
the narration, either in substance or circumstance, he may 
understand the same to be uttered by the deponer, in his 
owne behoof, for obtaining His Majestie's princely grace 
and favour. 



The above is the Narrative published by authority, 
some weeks after the 5th August, 1600. We are in the 
next place, to give the following, more circumstantial, ac- 
count of the matter. 

Early in the morning of Tuesday, the fifth of August, 
1600, the Honourable Alexander Ruthven, brother to 
John Earl of Go wry, went from his brother's house in 
Perth, to Falkland, where the King James the Sixth, then 
resided. He found the King at buck-hunting, and joined 
in the sport. It was near mid-day before the chase was 
ended, when the King, with a number of attendants, and 
amongst the rest Alexander rode to Perth, and alighted 
at the Earl of Gowrys house. The Earl had just sat down 
to dinner with three neighbouring gentlemen, when he was 
informed of the King's approach by his brother Alexander, 
who had for that purpose, come on before the Royal Party 
the last mile of the way. On receiving the information 
the Earl rose from table, in a hurry, and surprise, and with 
his guests and servants hastened out, till he met the ca* 

C 2 



20 

valcade. But the family dinner being over, he was at s 
loss how to entertain His Majesty and such a company, 
most of whom had been on horseback, ever since six 
o'clock in the morning ; and an hour elapsed, after their 
arrival, before dinner could be prepared. After dinner, 
the King and Alexander Ruthven retired by themselves : 
Some of the King's attendants armed followed and 
stabbed Alexander. Whilst this was going on within 
the house, Thomas and James Erskin, nephews to the 
late Regent Earl of Mar, attacked Gowry, who was stand- 
ing on the street before the gate of his own house : but 
Alexander Ruthven of Forgan felled Thomas Erskin to 
the ground with his fist, having no other weapon in rea- 
dieness. This, together with the interference of one or two 
of Gowry's servants, discomfited the Erskin s without doors : 
they then went up stairs and joined the Party which had 
stabbed Alexander Ruthven. According to their own ac- 
count, they met him near the bottom of the stairs, still a- 
live, but desperately wounded, being stabbeq! in several 
parts of his body by swords or daggers. There they dis- 
patched him. The Earl attended by his principal domes- 
tic Thomas Cranston, both armed, now followed up-stairs, 
and entered the apartment where John Ramsay, Thomas 
Erskin, Hugh Harris a Surgeon or Physician, and George 
Wilson a servant of James Erskin's were. Eager, no doubt, 
to learn the nature of the rencontre ; of which he evident- 
ly knew nothing : he tried to defend himself against their 
superior numbers. Rut at last one of them, by saying, 
" You have killed the King our Master, and will you ai- 
so take our lives ?" so astonished him that he rested the 
points of his swords (for he had one in each hand,) on the 
ground, and by so doing laid himself open to the attacks 
of the assassins. Such an opportunity was not to be ne- 
glected. Ramsay, from behind, stabbed him thro' the heart. 
- The report of the disturbance was instantly sent thro' 
the town of Perth, and the inhabitants suspecting, that 
James and his train had murdered the two brothers with- 
out provocation, became extremely tumultuous ; surround- 
ed the house, and in the most opprobrious terms, even 
threatened the King and his friends, with instant destruc- 
tion. After this uproar, (in which many of the better sort 
of people were engaged,) had continued several hours, 
some court parasites, as William Murray Son to John 



21 

Murray of Tullibardine, David Murray Son to Andrew* 
Murray of Balvaird, and one or two of the Magistrates, 
partly be soothing, and partly by threats, prevailed on the 
populace to disperse. It was given out that the King caus- 
ed search the pockets of the Earl and his brother after their 
death, for letters, or such other papers, as might throw 
any kind of light on the matter, and by that means dis- 
cover their accomplices : but tho' they discovered nothing 
that could be of any service that way, they pretended to 
make a much more extraordinary discovery. If we can 
credit their assertion, they found out, that the Earl was 
not merely a traitor, he was also a magician or dabbler in 
witchcraft, for they took from his pocket " a bag full of ma- 
gical characters and words of enchantment, wherein it 
seemed he had put his confidence." And according to the 
same account, the necromantic power of these talismans 
was clearly established at that time, for " while they were 
upon him, the wound whereof he died bled not; but in- 
continent after the taking of them away, the blood gushed 
out in great abundance." About eight o'clock in the even- 
ing, James and his party, after directing the remaining 
Magistrates of Perth (Gowry was Provost,) to take charge 
of the dead bodies, made the best of their way to Falkland. 
On the morrow, August the sixth, by ten o'clock fore- 
noon, the Privy Council at Edinburgh received by express, 
the King's account of the transaction, and along with it 
an injunction, to command the Clergy of that city instantly 
to convene the people in the churches, and publicly thank 
God for His Majestie's deliverance. The Clergymen wait- 
ed on the Council and heard the King's narration, but un- 
luckily, John Graham of Balgowan who accompanied the 
King from Falkland to Perth, arrived in the meantime in 
Edinburgh and gave a detail of the affair; and David 
Moyse, a servant about the King's house, transmitted a 
written account of it, which had arrived an hour sooner 
in the city, than the government express. The authors of 
these several accounts having neglected to compare notes, 
the want of that precaution spoiled all ; there being a great 
discrepancy betwixt all the three. This caused the Cler- 
gymen to hesitate, and retire by themselves to consult what 
steps were the most proper for them to take. Whilst em- 
ployed in that, a macer again charged them to appear be- 
fore the Council. But they still persisted in refusing to in- 



22 

suit The Almighty, by making an extraordinary profession 
of thanksgiving for deliverance from danger, which pro- 
bably never existed : desiring a little time, that they might 
enquire into the matter, and declaring, that if they were 
then satisfied of the reality of the conspiracy against the 
King, they would not only cordially join in a general thanks- 
giving, but diligently promulgate the wickedness of the 
Earl of Gowry and his associates. 

But the Lords of Council would admit of no delay. 
However, during the altercation, Mr David Lindsay, Bis- 
hop of Ross and Minister of Leith, arrived from Falkland, 
and as he had heard the history of the plot from the King 
himself, it was thought best to employ him in relating the 
circumstances to the people, publicly, and returning thanks 
to God for the signal deliverance. Accordingly such mem- 
bers of the Privy Council as were then in town accompani- 
ed him to the market place, and he went thro' that exercise 
before four o'clock in the afternoon. The bells were then 
rung, and great guns fired, and in the evening, bone-fires 
were lighted in the streets, and on the hill-tops thro' the 
whole country. 

In the evening too, the Master of Orkney and Sir James- 
Sandilands, having a troop of horse under their command, 
rode out to Dirleton, where the Earl of Gowry's only two 
surviving brothers resided with the Countess Dowager their 
mother, for the purpose of apprehending and bringing the 
youths to Edinburgh. But they got notice of the impend- 
ing danger, and escaped half an hour before the arrival of 
the troopers. , 

On Saturday the Ninth of August, one James Weemys 
of Bogie, who had occasionally frequented Gowry's house, 
was examined before the crown officers at Falkland. And 
on Monday King James crossed to Leith, and joined in a 
public thanksgiving with Lindsay the minister, and in- 
habitants of that town, and several of the nobility, who 
met in the church. That same afternoon, he went to E- 
dinburgh, and caused convene the people. He, and Gal- 
loway his chaplain, then went up to the top of the cross, 
around which they were assembled, and Galloway har- 
rangued them, choosing for the ground of his discourse the 
124 Psalm, and in course of the oration, related the seve- 
ral circumstances which were said to have taken place at 
Falkland and Perth on the preceding Tuesday. James, 



23 

with his usual dignity, then addressed the mob, confirm- 
ing all that Galloway had said. The Farce was conclud- 
ed by praising God for his extraordinary interposition in 
preserving the King. 

Next day, Tuesday the twelfth of August, the refrac- 
tory Clergy of Edinburgh were taken to task by the King 
and Council, for their want of faith in the conspiracy, On 
this occasion, much altercation took place. At first they 
insisted on a delay that they might have better information. 
James would not agree to this, because in his opinion, they 
already had evidence sufficient. " Ye have heard me," 
said he, " ye have heard my minister," meaning Galloway, 
" ye have heard my Council, ye have heard the Earl of 
Mar, are ye fully pursuaded or not ?" Bruce, one of the 
Clergymen offered before the Council to believe the story, 
if Henderson should be hanged, and at his execution ad- 
here to his declaration. The Comptroller Murray of Tul- 
libardine said to Bruce, " Will you believe a condemned 
man better than the King?" " If he die penitent," replied 
Bruce, " I will trust him. If God receive his soul, I will 
receive his testimony." The result was, that the Clergy 
were banished the city, and discharged preaching in the 
King's dominions under pain of death. All of them how- 
ever, except Mr Bruce, soon submitted, and were again 
received into favour ; only as an expiation for the crime, 
each of them had several churches in different parts of the 
nation, allotted them, in which they made their recanta- 
tion. Bruce was confined sometime, and then ordered in- 
to banishment ; but was afterwards allowed to return, on 
condition, that he confined himself to Inverness, but ne- 
ver was allowed to preach openly whilst James lived in Scot- 
land. 

James declared that there was a man in the turret, to which 
4he Honourable Alexander Ruthven led him, on the fifth 
of August, having a dagger at his girdle, but he ran off 
when Ramsay entered. It was of the very utmost import- 
ance that this person should be discovered. Several were 
fixed on successively who were said to be this man. At 
length, a pardon and offer of a considerable reward being 
held out to whoever should come forward and acknowledge 
himself to have been the unknown person in the study, 
Andrew Henderson, the Earl of Gowry's chamberlain or 
factor, was induced to avow himself to have been this trair 



24 

torous accomplice. He was then imprisoned, and on a 
precognition taken at Falkland on the twentieth of August, 
gave a detail of the whole affair, till the entry of John 
Ramsay into the chamber, where the King and Alexander 
Ruth ven were struggling, when he said that he left it. Hen- 
derson was the principal witness on the trial. 

On the thirteenth of August, a proclamation was is- 
sued, discharging all persons of the surname of Ruthven 
from coming near the King under pain of treason. By 
another, on the ninth of October, they were charged to go 
into banishment. But by a third proclamation, which 
came forth on the eighteenth of November, they were al- 
lowed to remain in the country on changing their names ; 
only they were prohibited from coming within ten miles of 
any place where the King was, under the pain of treason. 

In the precognition taken at Falkland on the 20th of 
August, Mr Rynd, who accompanied Earl Gowry in his 
travels, was examined. It would appear, that at first, his 
evidence had not been such as was wanted. They, there- 
fore, were under the necessity of putting him in the boots, 
and by that mean forcing what they wished for out of him. 
The purport of his declaration, as handed down to us, tends 
to shew that the Earl was a dabbler in witchcraft, and to 
implicate him in the conspiracy, by shewing, that he went 
hand in hand with his brother in both planning and exe- 
cuting it. Henderson's declaration was taken at the same 
time. And on the 22d of August, Rynd was again ques- 
tioned whether or not he had ever heard the Earl give his 
opinion how an important undertaking ought to be con- 
ducted. He answered, that when abroad, he had several 
times heard Gowry say, that he was a fool who on such oc- 
casions, imparted his intention to any one. 

On Saturday the 23d of August, three of Gowry's ser- 
vants were hanged at Perth. One of these was Thomas 
Cranston, who accompanied his Master up stairs, armed, 
and was present when he was slain. Another was George 
Craigengelt, who was sick a-bed, but got up, when he heard 
that the two brothers were killed, and repairing to the court 
or street where the rioters were assembled, was observed to 
make use of some words which were considered as disre- 
spectful to the King. The third was the Earl's Baron of- 
ficer of Strathbraan, who was seen in the court with a 
sword drawn in his hand. 



25 

The first of November was the day fixed on for the trial 
of Earl Gowiy, and his brother the Honourable Alexander 
Ruthven. And for that purpose, the Parliament was sum- 
moned to meet at Edinburgh. It was adjourned to the 
fourth of the month, on which day, Sir Thomas Hamilton, 
King's advocate, produced a summons of treason, duly ex- 
ecuted, against William Ruthven, brother and apparent 
heir to John Earl of Gowry, and to Mr Alexander Ruth- 
ven, calling also in the summons, the tutors of the said 
William, and all others having interest in the matter, to 
hear it found, that the said Earl of Gowrie, and Alexan- 
der his brother had committed treason, in attempting the 
murder of the King at Perth, on the fifth of August last 
by-past. The Heralds and Messengers were sworn to the 
veracity of the execution,* both at the private houses of 
the persons summoned ; at the market-cross of the Shire- 
town ; and at the pier of Leith. 

None of the parties appearing on the fourth, except the 
putrid bodies of the Earl and Alexander, which having 
been brought from Perth, were placed at the bar, the matter 
lay over till the ninth, when the above-mentioned summons 
and executions were again read over, and at same time 
other summonses and executions were produced, and sworn 
to against Alexander and Hary Ruthvens sons of Alex- 
ander Ruthven of Freeland; Hugh Moncrieffe, brother of 
William Moncrieffe of that Ilk ; and Patrick Eviot brother 
to Colin Eviot of Balhousie; as being guilty of the same 
crime. The parties, as usual, were thrice called, but none 
of them appeared, only Alexander Henderson was brought 
by the Magistrates of Edinburgh from their prison, where 
he had been confined, and sisted at the bar; he having 
been likewise summoned, as guilty of treason. As no o- 
ther of the accused persons appeared, the Crown Lawyers 
took Instruments, and at same time, produced letters of 
relaxation executed in proper form, freeing all the parties 
summoned from arrestment or trouble of any kind, on e- 
very other account, so as they might have freedom to com- 
pear, and plead to this charge of high treason. On which 
production he likewise took Instruments. 

D 

* In Scotch law, an execution is a Certificate, signed by the Messenger who 
gives the Summons and two witnesses, declaring that the Summons has been 
regularly delivered. In the present instance, the Summonses were executed 
en the 28th and 29th of August, 



26 

The Parliament then remitted Henderson to prison> 
and adjourned to the 1 5th. 

Having met on the 15th the public prosecutor went 
thro' the former formalities, of reading the summons and 
executions thereon, and taking the oaths of the Heralds as 
to their having legally served the summons. No one, 
however, the two Corpses excepted, appeared ; only a par- 
don was produced for Henderson, subscribed by the King. 
The trial then went on. The Court, as usual, first pro- 
ceeded to try the relevancy of the Libel, of which there 
could be no doubt, and then the evidence was taken by the 
Lords of the Articles. Lennox and Mar were two of these* 
The others were Earls Errol, and Marischel, Lords Sea- 
ton, Livingston, New-battle, and Fivie, two Bishops, four 
Abbots^ seven Barons, and nine Commissioners of Burghs. 

A considerable number of witnesses were examined, 
whose depositions are given at large in the proper place. 
That same day, the Parliament, without a dissenting voice, 
found the two brothers guilty of treason, and passed sen- 
tence of forfeiture against their property, declared their 
posterity infamous, and ordained their dead bodies to be 
hanged, &c. at the cross of Edinburgh. 

The Parliament was not satisfied with passing an act, 
disinheriting, and inhabilitating the brethren of the Earl 
of Gowry, and all his posterity, from enjoying any heritage, 
place, or office, within Scotland ; but it discharged all per- 
sons whatsoever to move or intercede for them, under high 
pains. 

By another act, the surname of Iiuthven was appoint- 
ed to be abolished for ever, and such of them as were in- 
nocent of this treason, were ordained to take other names. 

This Parliament likewise passed sentence of death and 
forfeiture against Alexander and Hary, the two sons of 
Alexander Ruthven of Freeland, Hugh Moncrieffe, bro- 
ther to William Moncrieffe of Moncrieffe, and Patrick E- 
viot, brother to Colin Eviot of Balhousie; and declared 
their posterity infamous. 

Agreeable to the sentence, on Monday the nineteenth 
of November*, the putrid bodies of the Earl and his bro- 

* By a remarkable coincidence, the same day on which the extreme sen- 
tence of the law was executed on the bodies of the two brothers, that infa- 
tuated Prince, Charles the first was born. A Prince who afterwards lost his- 
crown and his life for an undue attachment to those principles, opposition to 
which, at this time, occasioned the death of Earl Gowry and his brother. 



27 

#ier Alexander were dragged to the cross of Edinburgh, 
and there hanged, drawn and quartered. Their heads 
were fixed on the top of the prison of that city ; and their 
limbs were exposed on the most conspicuous places in four 
of the principal towns of the kingdom, viz. Edinburgh, 
Perth, Dundee, and Stirling. 

William Ruthven, the next brother, after his escape 
from Dirlton, went to France, where he acquired a know- 
ledge of chemistry. He married a daughter of the famous 
painter, Van Dyke, and died in France. 

Patrick, the fifth brother, fled to England, where, on 
James' accession to the throne, he was seized and confined 
in the tower of London. He attained some celebrity in 
the practice of physick, but as he took no fees, he never 
was rich. 

Such of their sisters as were alive and unmarried, were 
allowed to remain privately in the country unmolested. 

Their uncle, Alexander, was banished by proclama- 
tion, on the ninth of October, and so, being incapable of 
making any defence, he was forfeited at the trial. 

Before breaking up, this Parliament passed an Act, ap- 
pointing the fifth of August ever after to be annually ob- 
served as a day of Public Thanksgiving, for the King's 
deliverance. 

On the fifteenth of November, the very day on which 
the Earl's estates were annexed to the crown, James grant- 
ed a thousand pounds out of the Scone estate, to the poor, 
in annuity. 

The remainder of Gowry's property, and his offices, 
were, with other places and honours, bestowed on those of 
James' friends, who were most zealous in his service, at 
Perth, when the brothers were slain. 

John Ramsay had an annuity of a thousand pounds be- 
stowed on him ; (no inconsiderable grant, at a time when 
James himself was glad of a pension of five thousand 
pounds Sterling) Ramsay was afterwards created Viscount 
Haddington, and lastly Earl of Heldernesse. 

Thomas Erskin was rewarded with the estate of Dirl- 
ton; and in 1603 was created Lord Dirlton. On the fall 
of Sir Walter Raleigh, after the King went to England, 
Erskin got his place of Captain of the guard ; and was 
made Viscount Fenton, Earl of Kelly, and K. G. 

Hugh Harris, the surgeon, got a grant of the Barony 
D 2 



28 

of Cousland, another of the Earl's estates, and was made 
a Knight, on the day of the trial, November 15. 

George Wilson, James Erskine's servant, " was made 
a Gentleman." 

Leslie, Commendator of Lindores, was created Lord 
Lindores, and appointed a Lord of Justiciary. 

David Murray of Gospetrie, had a donation of the 
Scone estate. 

Murray of Tullibardine got the family castle and barony 
of Ruthven, and the Sheriffship of Perthshire, which was 
heritable in the Ruthven family. 

The Lordship of Strathbraan with its castle of Trochrie, 
was bestowed upon William Stewart, brother of Sir Tho- 
mas Stewart of Grandtully, and Gentleman of the Bed- 
chamber to the King. In a commission, dated November 
16, 1600, the day immediately following the trial and for- 
feiture, Stewart Mas appointed Baillie of Strathbraan, and 
Keeper of King's house of Trochrie, and of the parks and the 
forests of Strathbraan, " for the long, true, and faithfull 
service done to him by the said Sir William, and spending 
his time therein, and for the late service done, being the 
preserving the King's life frae the late conspiracy of um- 
quhile John, Earl of Gowry, upon the fifth of August last." 
In the year 1606, Stewart got a donation of these estates, 
and the above clause is inserted in the Charter. 

Several other parts of Gowry's estate, as Cowgask, Cul- 
trenny, Craigengali, &c. may be recognized in the posses- 
sion of the descendants of some of those who assisted the 
King on this occasion. 

After a lapse of years, the noise excited by the Gowry 
Conspiracy, as usual, gave place, in a good measure, to 
the attention paid more recent occurrences. In particular, 
James' Accession to the Throne of England, which hap- 
pened two or three years afterwards, (1603) being a much 
more generally interesting event, had with its concurrent 
circumstances thrown every prior transaction of his life into 
the back-ground, when in 1608 this subject was again very 
unexpectedly brought before the public, and a fresh at- 
tempt made to persuade the world, that Gowry really was 
guilty. An attempt, the remembrance of which, James' 
adherents (for reasons which we can easily divine) would 
willingly consign to oblivion ; but as they made it with the 
view of supporting their cause, they are entitled to every 






29 

advantage which can fairly be drawn from it ; and so are 
their antagonists. 

George Sprott, Notary in Eyemouth, did business for 
Robert Logan of Restalrig, Esq. Logan died in 1602 or 
3. It was given out in the beginning of 1608, that Sprott 
had told an acquaintance, that he knew that Logan was 
confederate with Gowry in the plot against the King, hav- 
ing been so informed by James Bowr, servant to Logan, 
who was employed to carry letters, and negotiate between 
them in that affair, and that in the course of business, hav- 
ing had access to Logan's papers, he (Sprott) found several 
letters among them, which had passed between Logan, 
John Earl of Gowry, Bowr, and a fourth person unknown, 
which letters he had abstracted, and still retained in hifc 
custody. This information was said to have been commu- 
nicated by Sprott's confident, to the Earl of Dunbar, the 
prime-minister or favourite of the day, who laid it before 
the Crown Lawyer: on which Sprott was apprehended, 
and examined before the Privy Council ; but there he de- 
nied all knowledge of any such fact, or that he ever had 
made such a relation to any one. He persisted in this for 
upwards of two months. But at length, being put in the 
boots, his obstinacy or firmness was overcome, and he e- 
mitted a declaration before the Council, in which he con- 
fessed that he was acquainted with Bowr, who told him of 
Gowry's and Logan's treason ; and that he was employed 
in carrying on the correspondence among the conspirators, 
relative to the execution of the plot. He likewise declared, 
that he found the letter to Logan from Gowry, soliciting 
his concurrence in the plot among Logan's papers, and 
Cromarty saj^s, That he actually produced this letter before 
the Privy Council. He told them further, That Logan's 
answer to this letter from the Earl, might be found wrap- 
ped up in a piece of paper in a chest in his (Sprott's) house; 
where the Sheriff found it accordingly, Gowry's letter to 
Logan never was seen, according to all accounts, excepting 
Cromarty's. But the following is a copy of what was said 
to have been found in Sprott's chest as Logan's answer 
to it. 

" My Lord, 

My most humble duty and service hartily 
remembered. At the receit of your Lordship's Letter I 



30 

am so comforted, that I can neither utter my joy nor find 
myself sufficiently able to requite your Lordship with due 
thanks. And pursuade your Lordship in that matter, I 
shall be as forward for your Lordship's honour as if it were 
mine own cause. And I thinke there is no living christian 
that would not be content to revenge the machiavellian 
massacring of our deare friends, yea, howbeit it should be 
to venture and hazzard life, lands, and all other things else. 
My heart can bind me to take part in that matter, as your 
Lordship shall find better proofe thereof. But one thing 
would be done : namely that your Lordship should be cir- 
cumspect and earnest with your Brother, that hee be not 
rash in any speeches touching the purpose of Padua. My 
Lord, you may easily understand that such a purpose as 
your Lordship intendeth cannot be done rashly, but with 
deliberation. And I thinke for myself, that it were most 
meet to have the men your Lordship spoke of ready in a 
boat or bark, and addresse .them as if they were taking pas- 
time on the sea, in such fair summer time. And if your 
Lordship could thinke good either yourself to come to my 
house of Fastcastle by sea, or to send your Brother, I 
should have the place very quiet, and well provided, after 
3 our Lordships advertisement, where we shall have no 
scant of the best venison can be had in England. And no 
others shall have access to haunt the place during your 
Lordship's being here, but all things very quiet. And if 
your Lordship doubt of safe landing, I shall provide all 
such necessaries as may serve for your Lordships arrivall 
within a flight shot of the house. And pursuade your 
Lordship, you shall be as sure and quiet here, while we 
have settled our plot, as if you were in your owne chamber; 
for I trust and am assured, we shall hear word within a few 
days from them your Lordship knoweth off, for I have care 
to see what ships comes home by. Your Lordship know- 
eth I have kept the Lord Bothwell quietly in this house in 
his greatest extremitie, say both king and council what 
they liked ; I hope (if all things come to passe, as I trust 
they shall,) to have both your Lordship and his Lordship 
at one good dinner before I die., Haec jocose, to animate 
your Lordship: I doubt not, My Lord, but all things 
shall be well. And I am resolved whereof your Lordship 
shall not doubt of any thing on my part ; yea, to perill, life, 
land, honour, and goods; yea, the hazzard of hell shall 



31 

not affray me from that, yea, altho* the scaffold were al* 
ready set up : The sooner the matter were done it were the 
better, for the king's buck-hunting' will be shortly; and I 
hope it shall prepare some dantie cheere for us to dine a* 
gainst the next yeare. I remember well, my Lord, and 
will never forget so long as I live, that mirrie sport which 
your Lordship's brother told me of a Nobleman of Padua, 
for I think that a parasceue to this purpose. My Lord 
think nothing that I commit the secrecies hereof, and cre- 
dit to this bearer; for I dare not only venture my life, 
lands, and all other things I have else on his credit, but I 
durst hazzard my soull in his keeping, if it were possible in 
earthly men, for I am so pursuaded of his truth and fidelity ; 
and I trow (as your Lordship may ask him if it be true) he 
would go to hell gates for me ; and hee is not beguiled of 
my part in him. And therefore I doubt not but this will 
pursuade your Lordship to give him trust in this matter as 
to myselfe. But I pray your Lordship direct him home 
with all possable haste, and give him strait command that 
he take not a wincke sleepe while hee see me againe, after 
hee come from your Lordship. And as your Lordship 
desireth in your Letter to me, either rive or burn, or else 
send backe again with the bearer ; for so is the fashion I 
grant." 

Sprott declared further, That James Bowr was sent with 
Logan's letter to Gowry, from whom he returned in five 
days, with " a new letter :" and that he staid all night at 
Guns-green, (a house of Logan's some few miles south from 
Fastcastle) with Logan, who in the morning rode to Lo- 
thain, where he staid five or six days, before he returned 
to Fastcastle. Sprott says further, that he " saw and heard" 
Logan read the Letter, which Bowr brought from Gowry; 
and heard Bowr remonstrate with Logan for taking any 
concern in the conspiracy; but that Logan declared, that 
whatever the consequences might be, he was fixed in his 
determination of hazarding his all with his Lordship. 
Sprott adds that, lie abstracted Logan's Letter to Gowry, 
(which Bowr had brought back from Perth after Gowry 
had perused it) from among a number of other Letters be- 
longing to Logan, but which he had given in keeping to 
Bowr, and which Bowr had given to Sprott to " look over 
and read." 

Sprott being brought to trial, was condemned as an Ac- 



32 

complice in the Treason, because he had not discovered 
it at the proper time, and was sentenced to be hanged at 
Edinburgh on the 12th of August 1608. On the tenth oi 
that month he emitted the following Declaration before the 
Council, which being taken down in writing by the Clerk 
of the Council, it was authenticated by the following wit- 
nesses ; The Earls of Dunbar, and Lothain, the Bishop of 
Ross, the Lords Holyrood-house, Scone, and Blantire, 
Sir William Hart, Lord Justice, Mr John Hall, Mr Pa- 
trick Galloway, and Mr Peter Hewart, Ministers of E- 
dinburgh. 

" George Sprott, Notary in Eyemouth, after divers Ex- 
aminations, being moved with remorse of conscience, for 
the long concealing of the fore-knowledge of this treasona- 
ble conspiracy, confesscth, declareth, and deponeth, with 
the peril of his own life, That he knew perfectly, that Ro - 
bert Logan late of Restalrig, was privy, and upon the fore- 
knowledge of Gowry's treasonable conspiracy. And for 
the greater assurance of his knowledge, deponeth, that he 
knew that there were divers Letters interchanged betwixt 
them, anent the treasonable purpose aforesaid, in the be- 
ginning of the month of July, 1600. Which Letters, 
James Bowr, called Laird Bowr, Servitor to Restalrig 
(who was employed mediator betwixt them, and privy to 
all that errand) had in keeping, and shewed the same to 
Sprott, in the place of Fastcastle. 

" And producing the Earl of Gowry's Letter to Restalrig*." 
The declaration as related by Cromarty continues, " Which 
Letter, written every word with Restalrig's own hand, 
was subscribed by him, after his accustomed manner, Res- 
talrig; and was sent to the Earl of Gowry by the said 
James Bowr. After whose return, within five days, with 
a new letter from Gowrie, he staid all night with Restalrig 
in Gun's Green : And Restalrig rode to Lothain, the morn 
thereafter, where he staid five or six days. Then after his 
returning, past to Fastcastle, where he remained a certain 
short space. 

" And further deponeth, that he saw and heard Restalrig 
read the last letter, which Bowr brought back to him from 
Gowrie, and their conference thereanent. And heard 
Bowr say, " Sir, if you think to make any commodity by 
this dealing, lay your hand to your heart." And Restalrig 
* There seems to be something wanting, or there is some mistake here. 



33 

answered, that he " would doo as he thought best." And 
farther said to Bowr, " Howbeit he should sell all his own 
land that he had in the world, he would pass thro' with 
the Earl of Gowrie; for that matter would give him greater 
contentment, nor if he had the whole kingdom : and rather 
or he should falsify his promise, and recall his vow that he 
had vowed to the Earl of Gowrie, he should spend all that 
he had in the world, and hazard his life with his Lordship." 
To whom Bowr answered, " You may do as you please, 
Sir, but it is not my counsel, that you should be so sudden 
in that matter. But for the condition of Dirlton, I would 
like very well of it." To whom Restalrig answered, " Con- 
tent yourself, I am at my wits end." 

And farther, Sprott deponeth, That he entered himself 
thereafter in conference with Bowr, and demanded what 
was done betwixt the J^aird and the Earl of Gowrie. And 
Bowr answered, " That he believed that the Laird should 
get Dirltoun without either gold or silver, but feared that 
it would be as dear unto him." And Sprott enquiring how 
that could be, Bowr said, " That they had another pye in 
hand nor the selling of land : but prayed Sprott, for God's 
sake, that he would let be, and not trouble himself with 
the Laird's business ; for he feared, within few days, the 
Laird would be landless or lifeless." 

Sprott being reminded, that he had but a short time to 
live ; and questioned if he would go to death with this de- 
position, answered, " That he knew his time to be but short, 
but he had no desire to live, having care of no earthly thing, 
but only for clearing of his conscience in the truth of ail 
these things, to his own shame before the world, and to 
the honour of God, and safety of his own soul : that all the 
former points and circumstances contained in this, his de- 
position, with the deposition made by him on the fifth of 
July last, and the whole remanent depositions made by 
him sen that day are true, which he will take on his con- 
science, and as he hopeth to be saved of God, and that he 
would seal the same with his blood." 

And being questioned, where the letter written by Res- 
talrig to Gowrie, and returned by Bowr now is ; he ans- 
wered, that he abstracted it quietly iroin Bowr, in looking 
over and reading Bowr's letters, which he had in keeping 
of Restal rig's; and that he left the above-written letter in 
his chest among his writings, when he was taken and 



34- 

brought away, and that it is closed and folded in a piece 
pf paper. 

The noblemen and gentlemen, in whose presence this 
was emitted, all signed as witnesses. 

Next day, August the eleventh, he renewed this declara- 
tion before a number of the members of Council, and mi- 
nisters, using a profusion of imprecations on himself if e- 
very particular was not true ; and expressing deep contri^ 
tion for the sin of not having divulged the secret sooner. 
On the 12th of August, the day of his execution, he again 
renewed his declaration, drawn up for him by Primrose, 
clerk of the council, from each of the four corners of the 
scaffold. He then prayed, and, at the top of the ladder, 
sung a Psalm, and again ratified his former declaration im- 
mediately before he was turned off. 

And as if all this had not been enough to satisfy every 
reasonable person, Cromarty informs us of another method 
which this suffering penitent took to convince such as Still 
doubted the truth of his dying declaration. His Lordship's 
words are, — " being urged by the Ministers and others of 
good rank upon the scaffold, that now at his end he should 
declare nothing but the truth (touching the matter for which 
he suffered,) on the peril of his salvation, or condemnation 
of his soul : he for the greater assurance of that his constant 
and true deposition, promised (by the assistance of God) 
to give them an open and evident token before the yield- 
ing his spirit. Which he accomplished thereafter. For 
before his last brca tli, when he had hung a pretty space J 
lie lilt up his hands a good height, and clapped them to- 
gether aloud, three several times, to the great wonder and 
admiration of all the beholders, and very soon thereafter, 
he yielded his spirit." The rest of his behaviour, as nar- 
rated above, is attested by a number of respectable witness? 
es, who either were on the scaffold, or in convenient places 
near it, amongst whom were three of the Magistrates, and 
several of the Ministers of Edinburgh, the Archbishop of 
Glasgow, the Bishops of Galloway and Brechin, and some 
other gentlemen : but they take no notice of this last men- 
tioned circumstance. Indeed, they may be said to bear tes- 
timony against it, as in their Certificate, they use these 
words. " After the ending thereof," i. e. the Psalm, " he 
repeated and ratified his former deposition. And, with 



35 

that, recommending his soul to God, he was thrown over,- 
and so ended his mortal life." 

Sprott, the only evidence that could have been brought a- 
gainst Logan, being thus taken out of the way, Logan's 
attainder was resolved on, and in February 1609, a sum- 
mons of Treason was raised against all concerned, to sist 
themselves before Parliament, on the 12th of the following 
April. On this occasion the same attention was paid to 
the observance of all the legal forms as at the trial of the 
two brothers. Tho' they knew that Robert Logan of Res- 
talrig had been dead some years, they repeatedly called on 
him to come and sist himself in court. The Messengers 
and their witnesses were sworn, as to their having really 
executed the Summons, and Letters of Relaxation freeing 
Robert Logan, the eldest son of the deceased Restalrig 
from the horn: all which proceedings were engrossed at 
length in the records. The Lord Advocate then produc- 
ed Logan's Letters, which were the only evidence; the de- 
position of the witnesses relative to their authenticity; 
Sprott's declaration, and the record of his trial. 

The following are copies of the Letters said to have 
been written by Logan, and which were the only evidence 
that they ever pretended to possess after Sprott's death, e- 
ven by their own account. 

Right Flonourable Sir, my duty, with service remem- 
bred; please you understand, my Lord of Gowrie and 
some others his Lordship's friends and wel-wishers, who 
tenders his Lordship's preferment, are upon the resolution 
you know, for the revenge of the cause : and his Lordship 
has written to me anent that purpose; whereto I will ac- 
cord in case ye will stand to, and bear a part ; and before 
ye resolve, meet me and Mr Alexander Ruthven in the 
Canongate, on Thursday the next week ; and be as wary 
as ye can : Indeed Mr Alexander Ruthven spoke witli me, 
four or five days since; and I have promised his Lordship 
an answer, within ten days at farthest. As for the purpose, 
how Mr Alexander and I has set down the course, it will 
be a very easy done turn ; and not far by that form, with 
the like stratagem, whereof we had conference in T. S. But 
in case you and Mr Alexander Ruthven forgather, because 
he is somewhat uncautious ; for God's sake bewar with his 
racklessness as to this of Padua ; for he told me one of the 
strangest tales of a nobleman of Padua that ever I heard 

E2 



36 

in my life, resembling the like purpose : I pray you, Sir, 
think nothing, altho' this bearer understand of it ; for he 
is the special secretary of my life ; his name is laird Bowr ; 
and was old Manderston's man, for dead and life, and even 
so now for me. And for my own part, he shall know all, 
that I do in this world, so long as ever we live together ; for 
I make him my household-man : he is well worthy of credit; 
and recommend him to you. Always to the purpose I 
think best, for our plot, that we meet at my house of Fast- 
castle : for, I have concluded with Mr Alexander, who I 
think shall be meetest to be conveyed quietlie in a boat by 
sea; at which time, upon sure advertisement, I shall have 
the place very quiet and well provided ; and as I receive 
your answer, I will post this bearer to my Lord : and I pray 
you, as you love } r our own life, (because it is not a matter of 
mowse,) be circumspect in all things, and take no fear, but 
all shall be well. I have no will that either my brother, or 
yet, M. W. R. my Lord's old pedagogue, know any thing 
of the matter, till all be done, that we would have done ; 
and then I care not who gets wit, that loves us. When ye 
have read, send this my letter back again, with the bearer ; 
that I may see it burnt myself; for so is the fashion, in such 
errands : and if you please, write your answer, on the back 
hereof: in case ye will take my word, for the credit of the 
bearer, and use all expedition ; for the turn would not be 
long delayed. Ye know the King's hunting will be short- 
ly ; and then shall be best time, as Mr Alexander has as- 
sured me, that my Lord has resolved to interprise that mat- 
ter : looking for your answer, commits you to Christ's holy 
protection. 

From Fastcastle, the 18th day of July, 1600 
Your's to utter power ready. 

RESTALRIG. 

It is pretended that it was never discovered to whom 
this, the third, and fifth letters were sent. 

Laird Bowr, 

I pray you haste you west to me about the er- 
rand I told you ; and we shall confer at length, of all things. 
I have received a new letter from my Lord of Gowrie, 
concerning the purpose that Mr Alexander his Lordship's 
brother spoke to me before : and I perceive that I may have 
advantage of Dirltown ; in case his other matter take ef- 



37 
feet ; as we hope it shall. Always I beseech you be at me, 
the morn at even; for I assured his Lordship's servant, 
that I shall send you over the water, within three days with 
a full resolution of all my will, anent all purposes; and I 
shall indeed recommend you and your trustiness to his 
Lordship, as ye shall find an honest recompence, for your 
pains in the end. I care not for all the land I have in this 
kingdom, in case, I can grip of Dirlton ; for I esteem it the 
pleasantest dwelling in Scotland. For God's cause, keep 
all things secret ; that my Lord, my brother, get no know- 
ledge of our purposes ; for I rather be earded quick. And 
so looking for you, I rest till meeting. 

From the Canongate, the 18th day of July. 

POSTSCRIPT. 

I am very ill at ease, therefore, speed you hither : 
Your's to power ready. 

RESTALRIG. 

Right Honourable Sir, 

All my hearty with humble service reniem- 
bred, since I have taken on hand, to interprise with my 
Lord of Gowrie, your special and only best beloved : as 
we have set down the plott already ; I will request you, that 
ye will be very circumspect and wise, that no man get an 
advantage of us. I doubt not, but you know the perill to 
be both life, lands, and honour ; in case the matter be not 
wisely used. And, for my own part, I shall have a special 
respect of my promise, that I made to his Lordship, and 
Mr Alexander, his Lordship's brother ; altho' the scaffold 
were set up. If I cannot come to Falkland the first night, 
I shall be timely in St Johnston on the morn. Indeed I 
lippened for my Lord himself, or else Mr Alexander his 
Lordship's brother, at my house of Fastcastle, as I wrote 
to them both. Always, I repose on your advertisement of 
the precise day, with credit to the bearer : for howbeit, he 
be but a sillie glyed old carle, I will answer for him, that 
he shall be very true. I pray you, Sir, read, and either 
burn or send again with the bearer : for, I dare hazard my 
life, and all I have else in the world, on his message, I have 
such proof of his constant truth. So commits you to 
Christ's holy protection. 

From Ca?io?igate, the 27th day of July, 1600. 



38 

POSTSCRIPT. 

I use not to write on the back of any of my letters, con- 
cerning this errand. 

Your's to all power, with humble service ready, 

RESTALRIG, 

My Lord, 

My most humble duty with service, in the 
most hearty manner remembred; At the receipt of your 
Lordship's letter, I am so comforted; especially, at your 
Lordship's purpose communicated to me therein; that I 
can neither utter my joy, nor find myself able how to en- 
counter your Lordship with due thanks. Indeed, my 
Lord, at my being last in the town, Mr Alexander, your 
Lordship's brother, imparted somewhat of your Lordship's 
intention, anent that matter, unto me. And, if I had not 
been busied about some turns of my own, I thought to have 
come over to St Johnston and spoke with your Lordship. 
Yet always, my Lord, I beseech your Lordship, both for 
the safety of your honour, credit; and more than that, that 
vour life, my life, and the lives of many others, wh6 may. 
perhaps, innocently smart for that turn afterwards, in case 
it be revealed by any; and likewise the utter wraking of 
our lands and houses, and extirpating of our name; look 
that we be all as sure as your Lordship, and I myself shaii 
be, for my own part. And then, I doubt not, but with 
God's grace, we shall bring our matter to an fine, which 
shall bring the contentment to us all, that ever wished for 
the revenge of Maehivellian massacring of our dearest 
fri cutis. I doubt not, but Mr Alexander, your Lordship's 
brother, has informed your Lordship what course I laid 
down, to bring all our co-associates, to my house of Fast- 
castle by sea ; where, I should have all materials in readi- 
ness, for their sale receiving on land and into my house:' 
making as it were, but a manner of passing time in an boat 
on the sea, in this fair summer-tide; and no other strangers 
to haunt my house, while we had concluded on the laying 
our plot; which is already devised by Mr Alexander and 
me. And I would wish, that your Lordship would either 
come, or send Mr Alexander to me; and thereafter, I 
would meet your Lordship in Leith, or quietly at Restalrig; 
where we shall have prepared an fine hatted kit, with sug- 
gar and comfiits and wine; and thereafter confer on mat- 



39 

tors; and the sooner we brought our purpose to pass, it 
were the better, before harvest. Let not Mr W. R. your 
old pedagogue ken of your coining: but father would I, if 
I durst be so bold to entreat your Lordship, once to come 
and see my own house, where I have keeped my Lord Both- 
well in his greatest extremities; say the King and his Coun- 
cil what they would : and in case God grant us happy suc- 
cess in this errand, I hope both to have your Lordship, and 
his Lordship, with many others of your lovers and his, at 
a good dinner before I die. Always I hope, that the 
King's Buck-hunting at Falkland this year, shall prepare 
some dainty chear for us, against that dinner, the next 
year, jocose hoc to animate your Lordship, at this time : 
but afterwards, we will have better occasion to make merry. 
I protest, my Lord, before God, I wish nothing with a 
better heart nor to atchieve to that which your Lordship 
would fain attain unto; and my continual prayer shall tend 
to that effect; and with the large spending of my lands, 
goods, yea, the hazarding of my life, shall not afray me 
from that, altho' the scaffold were already set up, before I 
should falsify my promise to your Lordship, and pursuade 
your Lordship thereof, I trow, your Lordship has a proof 
of my constancie already or now : but, my Lord, whereas 
your Lordship desires, in your letter, that I crave my Lord, 
my brother's mind anent this matter, I utterly disassent 
from that, that he ever should be an counsellour thereto ; 
for in good faith, he will never help his friend, nor hurt 
his foe. Your Lordship may confide more, in this old man, 
the bearer hereof, my man, Laird Bowr, than in my bro- 
ther ; for I lippen my life and all that I have else in his 
hands: and I trow, he would not spare to ride to hell's gate 
to pleasure me ; and he is not beguiled of my part to him. 
Always, my Lord, when your Lordship has read my letter, 
deliver it to the bearer again, that I may see it burnt with 
mine own eyes: as I have sent your Lordship's letter to your 
Lordship again, for so is the fashion I grant : and I pray 
your Lordship to rest fully pursuaded of me, and all that I 
have promised ; for I am resolved, howbeit, it were to die 
the morn, I must intreat your Lordship to expede Bowr, 
and give him strait directions, upon pain of his life, that 
he take never a wink of sleep, untill he see me again ; or 
else he will utterly undo us. I have already sent another 
letter to the gentleman, your Lordship knows, as the bearer 



40 

will shew your Lordship, of his answer and forwardness 
with your Lordship, and I shall shew your Lordship far- 
ther at meeting, when and where your Lordship shall think 
it meetest. Till which time, and ever, I commit your 
Lordship to the protection of Almighty God. 

From GurCs-Green, the 29th day of July, 1600. 

POSTSCRIPT. 

Prays your Lordship hold me excused for my unseemly 

letter ; which is not so well written, as mister were ; for I 

durst not let any writers ken of it ; but took two sundry 

idle days, to do it myself. I will never forget the good 

sport that Mr Alexander, your Lordship's brother, told me 

of a nobleman of Padua. It comes so oft to my memory ; 

and indeed it is aparastur to this purpose we have in hand. 

Your Lordship's own sworn and bunden man, to 

obey and serve with effold and ever ready service, 

to his utter power, to his life's end. 

RESTALRIG. 

Right Honourable, 

My hearty duty remembred, ye know, 
I told you at our last meeting in the Canongate, that Mr 
Alexander, my Lord of Gowrie's brother, had spoken with 
me anent the matter of our conclusion, and for my own 
part I shall not be hindmost. And sinsyne, I got a letter 
from his Lordship's self, for that same purpose, and upon 
the receipt thereof, understanding his Lordship's frankness 
and forwardness in it; God knows, if my heart was not 
lifted ten stages. I posted this same bearer to his Lordship, 
to whom you may concredit all your heart in that, as well 
as I : for, and it were in my very soul, I durst make him 
messenger thereof, I have such experience of his truth in 
many other things. He is a silly, old, glyed carle, but 
wonder honest; and as he has reported to me, his Lord- 
ship's own answer, I think all matters shall be concluded 
at my house of Fastcastle ; for I, and Mr Alexander Ruth- 
ven, concluded, that ye should come with him and his 
Lordship, and only another man with you, being but only 
four in company intil one of the great fishing boats, be sea 
to my house, where ye shall land als safely, as on Leith 
shore; and the house against your Lordship's coming to be 
quiet ; and when you are about half a mile from shoar, as 



41 

it were passing by the house, to gar set forth a waff. But 
for God's sake, let neither any knowledge come to my Lord, 
my brother's ears, nor yet to Mr W. R. my Lord's old pe- 
dagogue ; for my brother is kittle to shoe behind, and dare 
not enterprise for fear, and the other will disswade us from 
our purpose with reasons of religion, which I can never a- 
bide. I think, there is none of a noble heart, or carries a 
stomach worth a penny, but they would be content, and 
glad, to see any contented revenge of Greysteil's death; and 
the sooner the better his Lordship be quick ; and bid Mr 
Alexander remember on the sport he told me of Padua: for 
I think with myself, that the cogitation on that, should sti- 
mulate your Lordship. And, for God's cause, use all your 
courses cum discretione. Fail not, Sir, to send back this 
letter; for Mr Alexander learned me that fashion, that I 
may see it destroyed myself. So, till your coming, ever 
commits you heartily to Christ's holy protection. 
From Gun's-Gree?i, the last day of July, 1600. 
The Subscription is torn from this last Letter. 

The following is the Deposition of the Witnesses. 
Mr Alexander Watson, Minister at Coldingham, of the 
age of fifty years, married, depones, The five missive let- 
ters subscribed by the Laird of Restalrig, and produced in 
process by the Lord Advocate, for proving of the reasons 
of treason pursued against Robert Logan, son and appa- 
rent heir to Robert Logan of Restalrig, being shewn to this 
deponent ; and he having at length sighted and considered 
the same, depones, That he takes upon his conscience, that 
he verily believes, that the saids five missive letters, and e- 
very one of them, are verily and truly written by the said 
umquhile Robert Logan of Restalrig, with his own hand ; 
and proves this of some of his knowledge, that not only he 
thinks, that the character of every letter resembles perfectly 
the said umquhile Robert's hand-writ every way ; but also 
agrees with his fashion of spelling, which he has particu- 
larly remembrcd in every one of the saids missive letters, in 
their points following. First, that he never used to write 
an z in the beginning of any word, such as, zou, zor's, zeld, 
zea, and sick like ; but ever writ, j/, instead of the said z. 
That he writ all words beginning with w, when single, v ; 
and when that letter w fell to be in the midst or end, he 
[writ] an double iv. That when he writ quhan, quhair, qlk, 

F 



42 

or any such words, whilk uses to be written and spelled by 
others, with which he wrote only qk, qken, qkair. And 
sick like, whenever a word began with con, he never wrote 
con at length, but wrote with an 17. Whenever t fell to be 
in the end of a word, he wrote it without a stroke thro' t, 
and did the like whenever it fell in any other part of a word. 
And for further confirmation of the premisses, he produced 
three letters written every word, and subscribed by the 
said umquhile Robert Logan of Restalrig, and comparing 
them to the five other missives produced by the Advocate, 
shew evidently the direct conformity of the samen, as well 
in the charracter and true resemblance of the hand-writ, as 
in the spelling and writing of diverse writs, syllables, and 
letters, according to the particulars above specified. 

Mr ALEXANDER WATSON. 

Mr Alexander Smith, Minister at Chirneside, of the 
age of thirty years or thereby, married, depones, That he 
was well acquainted with the umquhile Laird of Restalrig, 
by reason he was pedagogue to his bairns, and has seen 
very many of his hand-writs ; and having seen, read, and 
at length considered the five missive letters produced by the 
Advocate ; and inquired, If he knew the same to be the 
Laird of Restalrig' s proper hand-writ? Declared upon his 
great oath, That he certainly believes the saids five letters, 
and every word thereof, to be the Laird of Restalrig's pro- 
per hand-writ; because he finds the character thereof to a- 
gree every way with the shape of his ordinary writting; and 
remarked very particularly the manner of Restalrig's spell- 
ing of many words, otherwise nor other men commonly 
uses to write and spell, according to the hail particulars re- 
marked of before, by Mr Alexander Watson, the witness 
immediately preceding; and, in these points, and in all o~ 
thers, conform to the said Mr Alexander's deposition in all 
things. Reddens causam scientice, Because he was perfect- 
ly acquainted with the Laird of Restalrig's hand-writ in his 
lifetime : and was pedagogue to his bairns many years, and 
in his companv. 

Mr ALEXANDER SMITH. 

Sir John Arnot, Provost of Edinburgh, of the age of 
three-score ten years, or thereby, married, depones, That 
he was well acquainted with Robert Logan of Restalrig, 



43 

and with his hand-writ, because he had received divers of 
his letters himself, and seen many other letters written by 
him. And the five missive letters produced by the Advo- 
cate, being shewn to him ; and he having seen and consi- 
dered the same, remembred that he had seen, read, and 
perfectly considered the Laird of Restalrig's hand-writ, as 
the letters written by the deponent at any time, or his own 
hand-writ. And so takes on his conscience, That the fore- 
saids five missive bills, produced by the Advocate, are the 
proper hand-writ and subscription of the said umquhile 
Laird of Restalrig, be his judgement. And, for verifica- 
tion thereof, has produced four writs, all written be the 
said umquhile Laird of Restalrig, and sent to this deponent, 
to Archibald Johnstoun, agreeing perfectly in spelling and 
charracter, with the saids missives. 

Sir JOHN ARNOT. 

Alexander Cuik, Sher riff- Clerk of Berwick, of the age 
of fifty years, or thereby, married, depones, That he was 
w r ell acquainted with the umquhile Laird of Restalrig, and 
has seen many and sundry of his writs, and received divers 
of his letters directed to himself; and being desired to see 
the five letters produced by the Advocate, and io declare 
whether he knew and esteemed to be all written by um- 
quhile the Laird of Restalrig, Depones, upon his consci- 
ence, That he believes and esteems the saids hail letters, to 
be all written by the Laird of Restalrig, reddens causam 
scienticC; because, not only the charracter agrees every way 
with the shape of Restalrig's hand-writ ; but also the spell- 
ing in many particulars, wherein Restalrig differed from o- 
ther men's form of writting. And in the particulars there- 
of, depones conform to the two first witnesses, the Ministers 
of Coldingham and Chirneside. Reddens eandem causam 
scieniioj. 

ALEXANDER CUIK. 

William Home, in Aytoim-Mill, of the age of thirty 
three years, or thereby, married, depones, That all the five 
missives above written, being shewn to this deponent, and 
having at length considered every one of them, takes upon 
his conscience, That to his knowledge, that the saids five 
missive letters are all written and subscribed by the um- 
quhile Laird of Restalrig; for the special reasons contained 

F 2 



44 

in the depositions made by Mr Alexander Watson, and 
Mr Alexander Smith, Ministers; and Alexander Cuik, 
Sherriff- Clerk of Berwick; to whom he is conform in all 
things. Reddens eandem causam scientice. 

WILLIAM HOME. 

John Home, Notary in Aymouth, of the age of fourty 
two years, or thereby, solutus, depones, The foresaids five 
missive bill?, being at length sighted and considered by this 
deponent, Depones and declares, upon conscience, to his 
knowledge, all the saids five missives are the Laird of Res- 
talrig's proper hand-writ and subscription, for the reasons 
above-written in the deposition of William Home. Red- 
dens eandem causam scientice. 

JOHN HORNE. 

Mr William Hogg, Minister at Aytoun, of the age of 
thirty years, or thereby, married, depones, That he knew 
well the Laird of Restalrig, and has seen his writs, and 
produced an letter written by Restalrig to the Laird of Ay- 
toun, as written with Restalrig's own hand-writ. And 
having considered the five writs produced by the Advocate, 
declares, That he thinks them likly to his writs; and, that 
the same appears to be very like his writ, by the conformity 
of letters and spelling. 

Mr WILLIAM HOGG. 

The following is the Sentence. 
To whilk summons, with the executions and indorsa- 
tions thereof respective foresaids, being this instant day 
read in presence of His Majesty's Commissioner and Estates 
of Parliament, first in Latin, and thereafter in Scots ; The 
said Robert Logan being oft times called of new, at the 
tolbooth window of the said court of Edinburgh ; to have 
compeared and answered to the said summons of treason, 
and reasons and causes therein contained : and he not com- 
pearing, to have defended in the said matter, and to have 
answered to the said summons; the said Sir Thomas Ha- 
milton of Bynnie, Knight, Advocate to our Sovereign 
Lord, desired the said estates declaration, if the reasons of 
the said summons were relevant ; the whilk estates found 
the said summons and reasons and causes therein contained 
relevant. Therefore the said Advocate, of new for proving 



45 

of the foresaid summons of treason raised against the said 
Robert Logan ; bearing and containing as is above- written : 
repeated all the foresaid missive bills and the saids deposi- 
tions of the saids witnesses examined before the saids Lords 
of Articles, and Lords of Secret Council respective; and 
also George Sprott's deposition and conviction and confes- 
sion, in judgement ; and at his execution to the death, for 
the said cause of treason ; with the hail other writs, and 
probations, produced and repeated by him of before ; for 
proving of the foresaid summons of treason, and reasons 
therein contained ; and desired the saids Estates of Parlia- 
ment yet, as of before, to advise the probations aforesaids, 
led and deduced in the said matter; and to pronounce their 
sentence of Parliament thereuntil, according to the said 
probations and their consciences : and thereafter, the hail 
depositions of the witnesses, missive bills, and hail writs and 
probations, being read, seen and considered, by the fore- 
saids hail Estates of Parliament. And they therewith being 
ripely advised, the said Lord Commissioner and Estates of 
Parliament finds, decerns, and declares, That the foresaid 
umquhile Robert Logan of Restalrig, committed, and did 
in his lifetime, open and manifest treason, in all the points, 
articles, and manner, contained in the said summons : and 
therefore, it was given for doom by. the mouth of David 
Lindsay, Dempster of Parliament, in manner and form as 
follows : 

This court of parliament shews for law, The said nm- 
quhil Robert Logan of Restalrig, in his lifetime, commit- 
ted the foresaid crime of treason, and lese Majesty ; and 
that he was art and part guilty and partaker thereof, against 
our Sovereign Lord, and authority royal; and that the 
fbresaides cruel, wicked, and treasonable crimes, were inr 
terprised, by his causing, persuasion, counsel, and help. 
Likeas, the said umquhil Robert Logan of Redtalrig, trea- 
sonable counselled the foresaid crime of lese Majesty to his 
death, and in his death, in all manner, at length contain- 
ed, in the said summons : and therefore, depones and de- 
clares, the name, memory, and dignity, of the said urn*. 
quhil Robert Logan of Restalrig, to be extinct and abo- 
lished, and his arms cancelled, riven, and delete furth of 
the books of arms, and nobility ; so that his posterity shall 
be excluded, and be unhabile, to possess or enjoy, any of- 
fices, honours, dignities, lands, tenements, rooms, rents, 



46 

possessions, or goods, moveable, or immoveable, rights and 
others whatsomever, within the kingdom, in all times com- 
ing ; and that all the saids goods, lands, rooms, tenements, 
and other goods, moveable and unmoveable, rights and 
others whatsomever partaining to the said umquhil Robert 
Logan of Restalrig ; or which otherways might have par- 
tamed to him, at any time, since his conspiring of the said 
treasonable crimes, to be escheat, and fore-faulted to our 
Sovereign Lord ; to appertain and remain perpetually with 
his Majesty in property. And this I give for doom. 

These are the principal circumstances connected with 
what is termed Gowry's Conspiracy. There are a number 
of others, generally of a minute nature, purposely ommit- 
ted, to avoid needless repetition, as they fall to be taken no- 
tice of in the after parts of this Dissertation. 



We now come, in the third place, to transcribe from 
the public records the depositions of the witnesses, and an 
account of the other proceedings, at the precognitions, and 
trial of the two brothers. 

Apud Falkland 9th August, 1600. 

In presence of the Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer, 
Lord Secretary, Lord Comptroller, Lord Advocate, 
the Lord Inchaffray, and Sir John Home of Spot 
Knight. 

James Weimys of Bogie, of the age of 26 years or there- 
by, swcrne and examined upon the forme and manner of 
behaviour of the late John Earle of Gowryc, the time of 
Iiis being with him at Strabran, or if he had heard the 
sayde Earle make any motion of the treason intended a- 
gainst his royal Majestie, depones, that he neither heard 
nor saw, any appearance of any such intention in the sayde 
Earle. 

Demanded, if he was in any purpose with the sayde 
Earle, anent any matters of curiosities, depones, That at 
their being in Strabran, some of their company found an 
edder, which being killed, and knowledge thereof coming 
to the Earle, the Earle sayde to this deponer, Bogie, if the 
edder had not been slaine, yee should have seen a good 
sport; for I should have caused her stand still, and she 



47 

should have pressed away, by pronouncing of an Hebrew 
word, which in Scotish is called Holiness, but the Hebrew 
word, the deponer remembers not off; and that the Earle 
sayde, he had put the same in practice oft before. 

And this deponer enquiring of the Earle where he got 
the Hebrew word, the Earle answered, in a Cabbalist of 
the Jews, and that it was by tradition : and the deponer en- 
quiring what a Cabbalist meaned ; the Earle answered, it 
was some words which the Jews had by tradition, which 
words were spoken by God to Adam in Paradise, and there- 
fore were of greater efficacy and force than any words which 
were excogitate since by Prophets and Apostles. The de- 
poner enquiring if there were no more requisite but the 
word : the Earle answered, that a firme faith in God was 
requisite and necessary; and that this was no matter of 
marvel among schollers, but that all these things were na- 
tural. And that the Earle shewed to this deponer, that he 
had spoken with a man in Italy, and first bearing by re- 
port, that he was a Nigromancer, and thereafter being in- 
formed that he was a very learned man, and a deep Theo- 
logian, he entered in further dealing with him anent the 
curiositie of nature. 

Depones further, that the sayde Earle reported to him 
that he being at musick, he fell in company with another 
man, who staring in the Earle's face, spake to the rest of 
the company, things of him, which he could never attaine 
unto, nor be worthy off. And therefore that the Earle re- 
proached him, and desired him to forbear these speeches. 
And that he met againe with the same man in the like com- 
pany, who did begin with the same language, that lie had 
spoken before ; and that the Earle sayde to him, my friend, 
in case you will not hold your peace from speaking lies of 
mo, I will make you hold your peace, by speaking truth 
of you ; and said unto him, within such a space, he should 
be hanged for such a crime ; and so it came to passe. This 
deponer enquiring of the Earle, who told him that, he an- 
swered merrilie, that he spake it by guesse, and it fell out 
so. And that the Earle sayde further, that it was nothing 
to make an hcrbe fleshe which would dissolve into flies, and 
likewise it was possable that the seede of man and woman 
might be brought to perfection otherwise than by the ma- 
trix of the woman, and that this deponer counselled the 
Earle to beware with whom he did communicate such 



48 

speeches; who answered, that he would speak them to none", 
but to great schollers, and that he w r ould not have spoken 
them to this deponer, if he had not known him to be a 
favourer of him, and a friend of his house, and would not 
reveale the same againe, seeing he knew they would be evil 
interpreted among the common sorte. 

(L. S.) JAMES WEEMYSS of Bogie. 

Apud Falkland 20th August, 1600. 

In presence of the Lordes Chancellour, Treasurer, Ad-- 
vocate, Sir George Home of Spot, Sir Robert Mei- 
vil, and Sir James Melvil Knights,. 

Maister William Rynd, sworn and examined, and de- 
manded where he did first see the characters which were 
found upon my Lord : depones, that he having remained a 
space in Venice, at his returning to Padua, did find in 
my Lord's pocket the characters which were found uppon 
him at his death : and the deponer enquiring of my Lord, 
where he had gotten them, my Lord answered, that by 
chance he had copied them himself: and that the deponer 
knows that the characters in Latine, are my Lord's owne 
hand w r riting : but he knows not if the Hebrew characters 
were written by my Lord. Depones further, that when 
my Lord would change his cloaths, the deponer would take 
the characters out of my Lord's pocket, and would say to 
my Lord, Wherefore serve these? and my Lord would 
answer, Can ye not let them be? they do you no evil. And 
further, the deponer declares, that sometimes my Lord 
would forget them, untill he were out of his chamber, and 
would turn backe, as he were in anger, untill he had found 
them, and put them in his own pocket : depones further, 
that he was sundry tymes purposed to have burnt the cha- 
racters, were it not that he feared my Lord's wrath and 
anger; seeing when the deponer would purposely leavo 
them sometimes out of my Lord's pocket, my Lord would 
be in such an anger with the deponer, that for a certayne 
space he would not speake with hym, nor could not finde 
his good countenance. And that (to this deponer's opinion) 
my Lorde would never be content to want the characters off 
himself, from the first time that the deponer sawe them in 
Padua, to the houre of my Lord's death. 

Being demanded for what cause my Lord kept the char- 
racters so well, depones, that, to his opinion it was for no 



49 

good, because lie heard, that in these parts where my Lord 
was, they would give sundry folks breeves. 

Depones further, that Maister Patrick Galloway lett thig 
deponer see the charracters since hee came to the towne of 
Falkland, and that he knowes them to be the very sarae char- 
racters that my Lord had. Depones also, that on Munday 
the fourth of August, the Maister, Andrew Henderson, 
and the deponer remained in my Lord's chamber till about 
ten houres at even, and after a long conference betwixt my 
Lord and the Maister, my Lord called for Andrew Hen-* 
derson, and after some speeches with him, dismissed him. 
Denies that he knew of the Maister's or Andrew Hender- 
son's rideing to Falkland, and about Andrew's return from 
Falkland, uppon the morrow, howbeit he did see him 
booted, yet he knew not that he was come from Falkland* 
Depones, that my Lord being at dinner when the Maister 
came in, the deponer heard my Lord say to the Maister, 
Is the King in the Inche, and with that he did rise and 
sayde, Let us go. But the deponer knows not what the 
Maister sayde to my Lord. 

Being demanded, if he did see any kind of armour or 
weapons, except swords in the King's company; depones, 
that he did see none. 

It being demanded, how the deponer was satisfied with 
my Lord's answer to him, concerning the King's coming to 
Saint Johnstoun, saying, that he " knew not how he came," 
declares, that he thought that my Lord had dissembled 
with him, and that he behooved to have knowne it, seeing 
his Brother was come with his Majestie before that he de- 
manded of him, and that hee had conferred with my Lord 
privily. 

Depones, that he knew not that the Maister was ridden 
to Falkland, untill after His Majes tie's coming to Saint 
Johnstoun, that Andrew Ruthven told him, because the 
Deponer enquired of Andrew Ruthven where the Maister 
and he had becne, and that Andrew answered, that they 
had been at Falkland : and that the Maister having spoken 
with the King, His Majestie came forward with them : and 
that this conference betwixt the deponer and Andrew Ruth- 
ven was in the yard, when my Lord was there. And An- 
drew Ruthven shewed the deponer, that Andrew Hender- 
son was directed by the Maister to shew my Lord that his 
Majestie was comming. 

G 



50 

Depones also 9 that in his opinion, the Maister coulde 
not have drawne the King to my Lord's house, without my 
Lord's knowledge : and that, when he heard the tumult, he 
was resolved in his heart the Maister had done his Majes- 
tie wrong ; and that no true Christian can think otherwise, 
but that it was an high treason, attempted against his High- 
nesse by the Maister and the Lord, 

Depones also, that to his opinion, the King's whole com- 
pany was within a dozen of men. 

(L. S.) M. W. RYND. 

Apud Falkland, 20th August, 1600. 

In presence of the Lordes Chancellor, Treasurer, Ad- 
vocate, Controller, Sir George Home of Spot, and 
Sir James Melvil, Knights. 

Andrew Henderson sworn and examined, and demand- 
ed, what purpose was betwixt him and the Earle of Gow- 
rye, upon Munday at night, the fourth of this instant, in 
the sayde Earle' s chamber: depones, that the Earle inquired 
of him, what hee would be doing upon the morne ? and he 
answered, that he was to ride to Ruthven : The Earle said 
to him, You must ride to Falkland with Maister Alexander 
my Brother, and when hee directs you backe, see that ye 
returne with all diligence, if he send a letter or any other 
advertisement with you. 

Depones, that the Maister directed him to send for An- 
drew Ruthven to be in readinesse to ride with them the 
morrow at four houres in the morning. 

Declares that they coming to Falkland about seven houres 
in the morning, the Maister stayed in a lodging beside the 
palace, and directed the deponer to see what the King was 
doing ; and the deponer finding his Majestie in the close 
coming forth, he past backe, and told the Maister, who 
immediately addressed himselfe to his Highnesse, and spake 
with his Majestie a good space beneth the equirie : and af- 
ter his Majestie was on horse backe, the Maister cometh to 
the deponer, and commands him to fetch their horses, and 
bade him haste him, as he loved my Lord's honour and his, 
and advertise my Lord, that his Majestie and he would be 
there incontinent, and that his Majestie would be quiet : 
And the deponer inquiring of the Maister, if he should goe 
presently, he did bid him leap on and follow him, and not 
goe away untill he spoke with the King: and the Maister 



51 

having spoke with the King at a breache of the park-wall, 
he turned backe, and bade the deponer ride away ; and the 
deponer making his return in all possible haste to Saint 
Johnstoun, he found my Lord in his chamber about ten 
houres, who left the company he was speaking with, and 
came to the deponer, and asked, hath my brother sent a 
letter with you? The deponer answered, No: but they 
will be all here incontinent, and bade the deponer desire 
my Lord to cause prepare the dinner. Immediately there* 
after, my Lord took the deponer to the cabinet, and asked 
him, how His Majestie took with the Maister his brother ? 
The deponer answered, very well, and that His Majestie 
laid his hand over the Maister's shoulder. Thereafter my 
Lord inquired, if there were many at the hunting with the 
King ? The deponer answered, that he took no heede, but 
they who were accustomed to ride with His Majestie, and 
some Englishmen were there, and that my Lord inquired 
what special men were with His Majestie, and that the de- 
poner answered, he did see none, but my Lord Duke. 
And within an houre thereafter, when the deponer came in. 
from his owne house, the Earle bad him put on his secret 
and plaitte-sleeves, for he had an Hylandman to take; 
which the deponer did incontinent: and about twelve 
houres, when the deponer was going out to his own house 
to his dinner, the Stewart came to him and told him, that 
George Craigengelt was not well, and was laine downe, de- 
sired him to tarry and take up my Lord's dinner : and a- 
bout half an hour after twelve, my Lord commanded him 
to take up the first service. And when the deponer was 
commanded to take up the second service, the Maister and 
William Blair came into the hall to my Lord. 

The deponer remembreth himselfe, that Andrew Ruth- 
ven came before the Maister a certain space, and spake 
with my Lord quietlie at the table, but heard not the par- 
ticular purpose that was amongst them. And so soon as 
the Maister came to the hall, my Lord and the whole com- 
pany rose from the table; and the deponer hearing the 
noyse of their forthgoing, supposing they were going to 
make breeks for Maconilduy : and seeing my Lord pass to 
the Inche and not to the Snoegate, the deponent did cast 
the gantlet in the pantry, and caused his boy to take his 
Steele bonnet to his own house : and he followed my Lord 
to the Inche, and returned backe with His Majestie to the 

G 2 



52 

lodging, being directed to get drink. And the Maister 
came to the deponer, and did bid him cause Maister Wil- 
liam Rynd to send him up the keye of the gallery chamber; 
who past up and delivered the key to the Maister : and im- 
mediately my Lord followed up, and did speake with the 
Maister, and came downe againe, and directed Mr Thomas 
Cranstone to the deponer, to come to his Lordship in His 
Majestie's chamber. And that my Lord directed him to 
go up to the gallerie to his brother ; and immediately my 
Lorde followed up, and commanded the deponer to bide 
there with his brother, and to do any thing that he bade 
him : the deponer inquired at the Maister, what have ye to 
do, Sir? The Maister answered, Yee must go in here and 
tarry till I come backe, for I will take the key with me. 
So he locked the deponer in the round, within the cham- 
ber, and took the key with him. Shortly thereafter, the 
Maister returned, and the King's Majestic with him, to the 
saide cabinet in the rounde; and the Maister opening the 
doore, entered with the King into the sayde rounde; and 
at his very entrie, covering his head, pulled out the depon- 
er's dagger, and held the same to His Majestie's breast, 
saying, remember ye of my father's murder? Yee shall 
now die for it : and minting to His Highness's heart with 
the dagger, the deponer threw the same out of the Maister's 
hand : and swore that as God shall judge his soul, if the 
JVTaister had retained the dagger in his hand, the space that 
a man may goe six steps, he would have stricken the King 
to the hilts with it: but wanting the dagger, and the King's 
Majestie giving him a gentle answer, he sayde to the King's 
Majestic, with abominable oathes, that, if he would keepe si- 
lence, nothing should aile him, if he would make such pro- 
mise to his brother, as they would crave of him : and the 
King's Majestie inquiring what promise they would crave : 
he answered, that he would bring his brother. So he goes 
forth, and lockes the doore of the round uppon His Majestie 
and the deponer ; having first taken oathe of the King that 
he would not crie, nor opene the windowe. 

And His Majestie inquiring of the deponer, What he 
was ? he answered, a servant of my Lorde's, and His Ma- 
jestie asking of the deponer, if my Lord would do any evil 
to him? the deponer answered, As God shall judge my 
soul, I shall die first. And the deponer pressing to have 
opened the window, the Maister entered, and said, Sir, 



53 

there is no remedy, by God you must die : and having a 
loose garter in his hand, pressing to have bound His Ma- 
jestie's hands, and the deponer pulled the garter out of Mr 
Alexander his hands, and then the Maister did put one 
of his hands in His Majestie's mouth, to have stayed him 
to speake, and helde his other arme about His Majestie's 
necke, and that this deponer pulled the Maister's hand from 
His Majestie's mouthe, ,and opened the window; and then 
His Majestie cryed out thereat; whereuppone His High- 
nesse' servants came in at the gate, and this deponer did 
runne and open the doore of the turnpecke head, whereat 
John Ramsay entered: and the deponer stoode in the 
chamber untill he did see John Ramsay give the Maister a 
stroke, and thereafter privily conveyed himself downe the 
turnpecke to his own house: and the deponer's wife inquir- 
ing of him, what the fray meaned ? the deponer answered, 
that the King's Majestie would have been twice sticked had 
not hee relieved him. 

Further, the sayde Andrew Henderson depones, That 
after his returning from Falkland on the fifth of this instant, 
Maister John Moncrieff inquiring of him, where he had 
beene ? he answered, that he had beene beyond the Bridge 
of Earn; and says that he gave that answere to Maister 
John, because my Lord had commanded him to let no man 
know that he was to ride to Falkland : and that my Lord's 
direction to him was, to come backe with his brother Mais- 
ter Alexander's answer : and to leave Andrew Ruthven to 
awaite upon the Maister. 

Further, the sayde Andrew Henderson depones, That, 
when he had taken the Maister's hand out of the King's 
mouth, and was opening the windowe, Maister Alexander 
sayde to him, wilt thou not helpe, woe betide, thou wilt 
makers all die. 

(L. S.) ANDREW HENDERSON. 
With my hand. 

22d August, 1600. 
Maister William Rynd sworn and re-examined, if ever 
he heard the Earle of Gowrye utter his opinion, anent the 
deutie of a wise man in the execution of an high enterprise: 
declares, that, being out of the country, he had divers times 
heard him reason in that matter, and that he was ever of 
that opinion, that he was not a wise man, that, having in- 



54 

tended the execution of an high and dangerous purpose, 
communicate the same to any but to himself; because keep- 
ing it to himsclfe, it could not be discovered uor disappoint- 
ed : which the deponcr declared before, unrequired, to the 
Controller, and Maistcr William Couper, Minister at 
Perth : and hearing the deposition of Andrew Henderson 
read, and being inquired upon his conscience, what he 
thought of the fact that was committed against His Majestie? 
declares, that upon his salvation, that he believes Andrew 
Henderson has declared the circumstances truly. 

(L. &) M. W. RYND. 

It has already been said, that the Parliament was Sum- 
moned to meet at Edinburgh, on the first of November, for 
the Trial. But being repeatedly adjourned, it was the 15th 
of the month, before they proceeded to adduce evidence. 
On that day, a Royal Pardon was produced for Andrew 
Henderson, of which the following is a Copy : 

" It is Our Will, and Wee command You, that upon 
sight hereof, Ye delete Andrew Henderson, Chamberlain 
to umquhile John Earl of Gowrie, his name, furth of the 
Summons of Treason and Forfaulture, raised and executed 
against him, for being Art, Part, Redd, Counsel, and 
Counselling, of the late Treason conspired by the late um- 
quhil Earl, his umquhil Brother, and Complices, against 
Our Person; and as you will answer to Us hereupon; keep- 
ing this Presents for your warrant. Subscribed with our 
hand at Holy-rood-housc the ninth of November, 1600." 

(L. S.) JACOBUS REX. 



The following are the Depositions of the Witnesses 
at what is termed the Trial, as engrossed in the Publick 
Records. 

The duke of Lennox, sworn and examined, depones, 
That upon the fifth of August last by-past, this deponent, 
for the time being in Falkland in company with His Ma- 
jesty, he saw Mr Alexander Ruthven speaking with His 
Grace before the stables, betwixt six and seven in the morn- 
ing; and shortly thereafter, His Majesty passing to the 
hunting of the buck, and having slain one in the park of 



55 

Falkland, His Highness spake to the deponent, disyring 
him to accompany His Majesty to Perth, to speak to the 
Earl of Gowrie. And incontinent thereafter, this depo- 
nent sent his servant for another horse, and for a sword, 
and lap on and followed His Grace : and as this deponent 
overtook His Grace, Mr Alexander Ruthven was speak- 
ing with His Majesty ; and shortly after the deponent's 
coming to the King, His Highness rode apart, and spake 
with this deponent, saying, ye cannot guess, men, what 
errand I am riding for ; I am going to get a pose in Perth : 
and Mr Alexander Ruthven has informed me, that he has 
fund a man, that has a pitchard full of coined gold, of 
great sorts. And in the mean time, His Highness enquir- 
ed of this deponent, of what humour he thought Mr Alex- 
ander to be of? who answered, that he knew nothing of 
him, but as of an honest discreet gentleman, And after that 
His Highness had declared to this deponent, the hail cir- 
cumstances of the man who had the said gold, the place 
where it was found, and where it was kept: this deponent an- 
swered, I like not that, Sir; for it is not likely. And they rid- 
ing beside the bridge of Erne, His Majesty called to the de- 
ponent, that Mr Alexander disyred him to keep that matter 
of the pose secret, and take no body with him; and then His 
Highness both at that time and afterwards at St Johnstoun, 
within the Earl of Gowrie's hall, said to this deponer, Take 
taint where I pass with Mr Alexander Ruthven, and follow me. 
And as His Majesty was within a mile of Pearth, after that 
Mr Alexander had come a certain space with His High- 
ness, he rod away and galloped to Pearth, before the rest 
of the company, towards his brother's lodging; of purpose 
(as the deponent believes,) to advertise the Earl of Gowrie 
of His Majesty's coming there ; and as His Majesty was 
within two pair of butt-iangs to the town of Pearth, the 
Earl of Gowrie, accompanied with diverse persons all on, 
foot met His Highness in the Inche, and saluted him; 
and immediately thereafter, His Majesty, accompanied 
with this deponent, the Earl of Mar, Inehaffrey, Sir 
Thomas Erskin, Laird of Urquhil, James Erskin, William 
Stuart, Sir Hugh Haris, Sir John Ramsay, John Murray, 
John Hamilton of the Grange, and John Graham of Ba- 
gown, past altogether, in the Earl of Gowie's hall : the 
said Earl of Gowrie, and the said Mr Alexander Ruthven, 
being baith present with them: and after their entry, Hi* 



56 
Majesty cry'd for a drink, which was a long time a con>* 
ing ; and it was an hour after his first coming, before His 
Majesty got his dinner : and in the time that His Majesty 
got his desert, the Earl of Gowrie came to this deponent, 
and to the Earl of Mar, and remanent persons foresaid, 
and desired them to dine, which they did, in the hall ; and 
when they had near hand din'd, the Earl of Gowrie came 
from His Majesty's chamber to the hall, and called for 
wine; and said, that he was directed from his Majesty's 
chamber, to drink his scoll, to My Lord Duke, and the 
rest of the company, which he did. And immediately af- 
ter the scoll had passed about, this deponent raise from the 
table, to have waited upon His Majesty, conform to his 
former direction ; and then the Earl of Gowrie said to this 
deponent, that His Majesty was gone up quietly some quiet 
errand : and then, the said Earl of Gowrie cry'd for the key 
of his garden, and passed in company with this deponent, 
to the garden, accompanied with Lindores, and Sir Hugh 
Herries, and certain others : and shortly after their being 
in the garden, Mr Thomas Cranston came down to the 
garden, crying, The King's Majesty is on horse-back, 
and ridden thro' the Inch: and then the Earl of Gow- 
rie cry'd horse, horse : and the said Mr Thomas Crans- 
ton answered to him, your horse is in town ; to whilk the 
Earl of Gowrie made him no answer, but cry'd ay, horse, 
horse. And this deponent and the Earl of Gowrie came 
first out of the garden, thro' the hall to the closs, and came to 
the oute-gate ; and this deponent speir'd at the porter, if 
the King was furth, who answered, that he was assured 
that His Majesty was not come furth of the place. Then 
the Earl of Gowrie said, I am sure he is first always ; stay, 
My Lord, drink, and I shall gang up, and get the verity and 
certainty thereof: and the said Earl of Gowrie passed up, 
and incontinent came again to the closs, and he affirmed to 
this deponent, that the King's Majesty was furth at the 
back-gate and away. Whereupon this deponent, the Earl 
of Gowrie and Mar, and hail company, past furth at the 
fore-gate of the lodging ; and staid before the same gate up- 
on the street : and as they were standing there, advising 
where to seek the King, incontinent, and in the meantime, 
this deponent heard a voice, and said to the Earl of Mar, 
This is the King's voice, that crys, be where he will : and 
so they all looked up to the lodging, and saw His Majesty 



5? 

looking furth of the window, wanting his hat : his face be- 
ing red, and an hand gripping his cheek and mouth, and 
the King cryed I am murdered ! treason ! My Lord Mar, 
help, help ! And incontinent, this deponent, the Earl of 
Mar, and their company, ran up the stair of the gallery- 
chamber, where His Majesty was, to have relieved him ; 
and as they passed up, they found the door of the chamber 
fast; and seeing a ladder standing beside, they rasht at 
the door with the ladder and the steps of the ladder brake : 
and syne, they send for hammers; and notwithstanding 
large forcing with hammers, they got not entry at the said 
chamber, while after the Earl of Gowrie and his brother 
were both slain ; that Robert Brown past about be the back 
door, and came to His Majesty, and assured His High- 
ness, that it was my Lord Duke and the Earl of Mar, that 
was stricking up the chamber door ; and the hammer was 
given thro' the hole of the door of the chamber, and they 
within brake the door, and gave them entry : and, at their 
first entry, they saw the Earl of Gowrie lying dead in the 
chamber, Mr Alexander Ruthven being slain, and taken 
down the stairs before their entry : and at their first entry 
within that chamber where the King's Majesty was, the de- 
ponent saw sundry halberts and swords stricking under the 
door of the chamber, and sides thereof, by reason the same 
was nae closs door; and knew none of the strickers, except A- 
lexander Ruthven one of the defenders, who desired to speak 
with this, deponent thro' the door, and speird at him, For 
God's sake tell me how my Lord of Gowrie was : to whom 
this deponent answered, he is well : and the said deponent 
bad Alexander to gang his way ; and that he was an fool ; 
and that he would get little thanks for that labour : and, 
in the meantime, as they were continuing to strike with hal- 
berts tinder the door, meikle John Murray, servant to Tul- 
libardin, was stricken throw the legg; and how soon the 
said Alexander Ruthven had heard the said Lord Duke 
speak, he and his hail complices past from the foresaid door, 
and made no more trouble thereafter thereat, and passed 
down to the closs, and stood there. And saw none of the 
remanent defenders present, at the doing of the violent 
turns that day, except by report, but the said Alexander 
Ruthven : but says, that he saw Hugh Moncrieff, Earn, and 
Alexander Daithvenies, and Patrick Eviot, with the Earl of 
Gowrie at the King's dinner that dav; and that before and 

H 



58 

thereafter, looking over the chamber window, he saw 
George Craigingelt, and Alexander Ruthven ; and did see 
others of the Earl of Gowrie's servants, whom this depo- 
nent knew not, standing in arms within the closs : and also, 
saw other persons carrying an joist from the town, to the 
closs of the Earl of Gowrie's lodging : and declares, that 
there abode sundry persons within the said closs, and in 
the high street, before the said Earl's lodging, crying and 
making tumult, to the space of two hours, mair next after 
the death of the said Earl of Gowrie and his brother. 

(Signed) LENNOX. 

The Earl of Mar, sworn and examined* depones, con- 
form to the Lord Duke of Lennox's deposition, in all things 
substantial, except, that his Lordship saw not Mr Alex- 
ander Ruthven in Falkland, while about ten hours the day 
libelled, shortly before the slaying of the buck; and also, over- 
took not His Majesty that day, while His Majesty was near 
the bridge of Erne ; and, that after their dinner, my Lord 
Mar passed not to the yard, in company with the Earl of 
Gowrie, but passed to a chamber where the King din'd, 
and saw nothing of the joist. 

(Signed) MAR- 

Andrew Henderson, Chamberlain of Scoon, sworn, de- 
pones, That he is of the age of thirty-eight years, declares, 
That upon Munday at night, the fourth day of August last by- 
past, this deponent being, after supper, in company with the 
Earl of Gowrie and Mr Alexander Ruthven, within my 
Lord's own chamber; the Earl of Gowne enquired at this 
deponent, what he had to do to-morrow ? To whom this 
deponent answered, That he had to do, to ride to Ruthven, 
to speak with the tenants. Then the Earl of Gowrie answer* 
ed, stay that journey, you must ride to Falkland, in com- 
pany with my brother, Mr Alexander, and take Andrew 
Ruthven with you ; and that ye be ready to ride be four 
hours in the morning : and haste thou back with answer, 
as my brother orders you, by write or otherwise, and let 
Andrew Ruthven remain with my brother. And in the 
morning, after four hours, they rode all three together, to 
Falkland ; and coming to Falkland, they lighted at John 
Balfour's house, and seeing that Colonel Edmund was there* 
they lodged in ane Law's house ; and the master sent this- 



59 

deponent about seven hours in the morning, to see what 
the King's Majesty was doing ; and as he was within the 
place, he saw the King's Majesty coming furth mid-closs, 
booted ; and then he returned back again to the Master, 
and said to him, haste you, the King's Majesty is coming 
furth ; and incontinent, the Master followed His Majesty, 
and spake with His Highness ibranent the Equirie, and the 
King laid his hand on his shoulder, and clapped him, 
where they spake together, be the space of an quarter of 
an hour. And thereafter, the Master directed this depo- 
nent to ride to Perth in haste, as he loved the Lord Gow- 
rie's, and his honour, and advertise his brother, that His 
Majesty will be there, with a few number incontinent; and 
cause make his dinner ready : then this deponent answered, 
shall I ride presently j* The Master answered, No, but stay 
a while, and follow the King and me, while I speak with 
His Majesty again: and, as His Majesty was riding through 
the sloap of the park-dike, the Master spake to His Ma- 
jesty ; and immediately thereafter, the Master bad this de- 
ponent to pass to St Johnstown, with all possible diligence, 
according to his former directions : and, at this deponent's 
coming to Perth, it was shortly after ten hours in the morn- 
ing, he entered in the Lord of Gowrie's chamber, where 
he saw his Lord speak with George Hay, and Mr Peter 
Hay : and how soon my Lord pf Gowrie saw this depo- 
nent, he came aside to this deponent, and enquired secret- 
ly, What word he had brought from his brother ; and if 
he had brought a letter ? This deponent answered, That 
he had brought no letter : What answer then, said he, has 
he to me : This deponent answered, That the Master his 
brother bad tell His Lordship, That the King's Majesty 
would be there incontinent; and bad haste his dinner. Then 
the Earl bad this deponent to follow his Lordship to the 
cabinet, and speird at him, How His Majesty had tane 
with his brother? He answered, That he was well tane 
with ; and when he did his courtesy, the King laid his hand 
upon his shoulder. The Earl speird, What number of 
persons was with the King at the hunting ? Who answered, 
That he knew not well : but that there were sundry of his 
own with him, and some Englishmen. And then the Earl 
speird, What noblemen was with him ? he answered, None 
but my Lord Duke. And thereafter, this deponent past 
to his own house in the town, and took off his boots, and 

H 2 



60 

returned to the Earl within an hour ; and how soon the 
Earl saw him in his chamber, he called upon this depor 
nent, and bad him put on his secret* and plate-sleeves : 
the deponent enquired to what effect ? The Earl answered, 
I have an Highlandman to take in the Shoegate ; and then 
the deponent past to his own house, and put on his secret 
and plate-sleeves, came back again to the Earl of Gowrie's 
house : and about half an hour to one, the Earl command- 
ed this deponent, Take up my dinner; and this deponent 
past, and took up the first service, by reason Charles Craig- 
ingelt was sick : and, incontinent, the said Earl passed to 
his dinner, accompanied with Mr John Moncrieff Laird 
of Pitcrief, Mr James Drummono!, Alexander Peebles, 
Baron of Findowne. And shortly after the first service was 
set down, my Lord sitting at the table with the foresaid 
company, Andrew Ruthven came in from the Master, and 
rounded to the Earl, but heard not what he said ; and shorts 
ly after, this deponent passing down to take up the second 
service, Mr Alexander Ruthven and William Blair came 
in to the Earl, my Lord sitting at his dinner ; and how soon 
my Lord saw them, he and his hail company rose from the 
table ; and then, this deponent hearing my Lord on foot, 
bid this deponent send for his steel-bonnet and gantlet, be- 
lieving that my Lord was going to take the said Highland- 
man : a„nd as this deponent perceiv'd my Lord passing to 
the Inch, and not to the Shoegate, he sent home his steel- 
bonnet, and cast his gantlet in the pantry, and thereafter 
followed die Earl to the Inch, where he saw the said Earl 
with His Majesty, the Duke, and the Earl of Marr, and 
came in altogether to the Earl's house; and after His Ma- 
jesty Lad come to the Earl's house, the Master of Ruth- 
ven speir'd at this deponent, where the key of the galleiy- 
chamber was? Who answer' d, That he handled not that 
key since the Earl came in Scotland. Then the Master bid 
this deponent speak to Mr William Rynd to give him the 
said key. And the Master passing up to the gallery, Mr 
William Rynd followed him, and gave to him the said key : 
and thereafter, immediately after His Majesty's down sit- 
ting to his dinner, Mr Thomas Cranstoun came to this de- 
ponent, and bad him gang to the Earl of Gowrie ; which 
this deponent did. And the Earl of Gowrie, in the outer- 
chamber, where the King din'd, spake to this deponent 
secretly, and bad him pass to the gallery to his brother 

* A Co*t of Mail. 



61 

$o he passed up, and the Earl follows him ; and they being 
all three together in the gallery-chamber, (whereof he had 
the key from Mr William Rynd,) the Earl said to this de- 
ponent, Tarry still with my brother, and do any thing he 
bids you. Then this deponent came to the Master and 
speird, What will you with me, Sir? Then the Mas- 
ter spoke to my Lord, Let Andrew Henryson go into the 
round of the chamber, and I will lock him in, and take, 
the key of the chamber with me : where this deponent a- 
bode half an hour or thereby, locked his allane, having his 
secret, plate-sleeves, sword and whinger with him, and 
wanting his steel bonnet. And all this time, this deponent 
feared some evil to be done : that, upon this, he kneel'd and 
pray'd to God ; and about the end of the half hour, Mr A- 
lexander opens the door of the room, and entered first 
within the same, haying the King's Majesty by the arm, 
and putting on his hat upon his head, draws forth this 
Andrew Henderson deponent's whinger, and says to the 
King, having the drawn whinger in his hand, Sir, you 
must be my prisoner; remember on my Father's death. 
And, as he held the whinger to His Majesty's breast, tins 
deponent threw the samen furth of Mr Alexander's hands. 
And the time that Mr Alexander held the whinger to His 
Majesty's breast, the King was beginning to speak. The 
Master said, Hold your tongue, Sir, or by Christ, ye shall 
die. Then His Majesty answered, Mr Alexander, ye and 
I were very great together : and as touching your Father's 
death, man, I was but a minor. My Council might have 
done any thing they pleased. And farther, man, albeit ye 
bereave me of my life, ye will not be King of Scotland ; 
for, I have both sons and daughters ; and there are men in this 
town and friends that will not leave it unrevenged. Then 
Mr Alexander answered, swearing with a great oath, That 
it was neither his life nor blood that he craved. And the 
King said, What traiks albiet ye take off your hat ; and 
then Mr Alexander took off his hat. And the King said, 
What is it ye crave, man, and ye crave not my life ? Who 
answered, Sir, it is but a promise. The King answered, 
What promise ? The said Mr Alexander answered, For, 
my Lord my brother will tell you. The King said, Fetch 
hither your brother. And syne the said Mr Alexander said 
to the King, Sir, you will not cry, nor open the window, 
vhile I come again ? And the King promised so to do. 



62 

Then Mr Alexander passed forth and locked, and passed 
not from the door, as he believes. In the meantime, the 
King entered in discourse with this deponent, How came 
you in here, man ? And this deponent answered, As God 
lives, I am shot in here like a dog. The King answered, 
Will my Lord of Gowrie do me any evil, man? This 
deponent answered, I vow to God, I shall die first. And 
then, the King bad this deponent open the window, and 
he opened the window that looked to the Spey-tower: 
and the King answered, fy, the wrong window, man ! 
And thereafter, this deponent passing to the other win- 
dow nearest His Majesty, to open the same; before he 
got to the window, Mr Alexander opened the door, and 
came in again, and said to His Majesty, By God ! there 
is no remedy ; and then he loups to the King, and got him 
by both the hands, having an garter in his hands. Then 
the King answered, I am a free Prince, man ; I will not 
be bound : so His Majesty cast loose his left hand from Mr 
Alexander ; and at the same time, this deponent draws a- 
way the garter from Mr Alexander, and His Majesty loups 
free from the said Mr Alexander, and the said Mr Alex- 
ander follows His Majesty, and with his left hand about 
His Majesty's craig, puts his right neeve in His Majesty's 
mouth. So His Majesty wrestling to be quite of him this 
deponent puts his hand out of His Majesty's mouth. And 
thereafter, this deponent did put his left hand over His 
Majesty's left shoulder, and pulled up the broad of the win- 
dow, whereunto the said Mr Alexander had thrust His 
Majesty's head and shoulders; and with the force of the 
drawing up of the window, presses His Majesty's body a- 
bout, his right side to the window : at which time His Ma- 
jesty cries furth, Treason ! Treason ! So the Master said 
to this deponent. Is there no help with thee ? Wo worth 
thee, thou villain, we all die. So twining his hand on the 
guard of his own sword; and incontinent, the King's Ma- 
jesty put his hand on the Master's hands and staid him from 
drawing of his sword: and this ways, they both being 
grasped together, comes furth of the cabinet to the cham- 
ber ; and, in the meantime, this deponent threw about the 
key, then standing in the door of the head of the turnpike, 
which entered to the chamber, and opened the door thereof 
to eschew himself, and to let His Majesty's servants in; and 
how soon he opened the door, John Ramsay came in at the 



said door, with an haulk on his hand, and passed to the 
King's Majesty and laid about him, and drew his whinger * 
and as he saw him minting with the whinger, this deponent 
passed furth at the said door, and passed down the turn- 
pike. And as this deponent passed through the close, and 
came to the fore-gate, this deponent saw the Earl of Gowrie 
standing before the gate accompanied by sundry persons, 
of whom he remembers none; but remembers well, that; 
the Earl had this deponent's knapschaw, or head-piece, on 
his head, and two swords drawn in his hands : and incon- 
tinently thereafter, this deponent pass'd to his own lodging, 
where he remained while the King passed furth of the town; 
and then the deponent past to the bridge and walked up 
and down by the space of an hour, and returned not again 
to the Earl's lodging. And the time of his entry to his 
house that night, this deponent's wife inquired at this de- 
ponent, What trouble was within the place? To whom 
he answered, Well is me of one thing, that if I had not 
been there, the King had been twice sticked this night; 
but wo's me for the thing that is fallen out. And this de- 
ponent being demanded by Mr John Moncrief, after his 
returning from Falkland, Where have you been with your 
boots on ? Answered, he had been two or three miles be- 
yond Earn, and durst not tell him the verity, by reason 
the Earl of Gowrie had discharged him to tell the errand, 
he sent him, to any body. And farther, this deponent de- 
clares, That when he saw the Earl of Gowrie standing with 
the drawn swords before the gate, this deponent spoke not 
to the Earl, neither yet the Earl to him at that time, but 
he passed to his own house. 

(Signed) ANDREW HENDERSON. 

The Abbot of Inchechaffrey, sworn and examined, de- 
pones, That, upon the fifth of August last by-past, this de- 
ponent being in Falkland, about seven hours in the morn- 
ing, he met Mr Alexander Ruthven accompanied with An- 
drew Ruthven ; and, at that time, only saluted the said Mr 
Alexander Ruthven, without any conference farther at that 
time. And at that time, he saw the said Mr Alexander 
enter in conference with His Majesty, upon the green, be- 
twixt the stables and the park : which conference enduring 
for the space of a quarter of an hour, and the said Mr A- 
lexander accompanied His Majesty, while they came to the 



meadow; and, at his returning from His Majesty, this de-^ 
ponent desired Mr Alexander to disjune with him, by rea- 
son his own could not be so soon prepar'd. To whom Mr 
Alexander answered, He might not tarry, by reason His 
Majesty had commanded him to await upon him. And, as 
this deponent passed to Falkland, leaving Mr Alexander 
behind him, met his horse with his man, coming from Falk- 
land to him, and then this deponent, after he had disjuned 
in Falkland, he took his journey the high way to Inche- 
chaffrey, and the deponent being but a mile be-north Stra- 
miolo, he's incompanied with my Lord Duke, Lindores, 
the Laird of Urquhill, John Hamilton of the Grange, Fin- 
lay Tailzies ; and Mr Alexander Ruthven came by this de- 
ponent, riding the high way to Perth ; then incontinent, 
this deponent horsed, and accompanied His Majesty to 
Perth, where he saw the Earl of Gowrie meet His Majesty 
in the Inch, and passed in company with His Majesty, and 
his noblemen and servants, to the Earl of Gowrie's lodging, 
where they din'd all together. And after dinner, this de- 
ponent being in the chamber at the north end of the hall, 
word past through the hall, that His Majesty was passed 
awav, and ridden towards Falkland, and then this depo- 
nent, in company with the Lord of Mar, and remanent pre- 
sent for the time, passed to the close, and from that to the 
High Street ; and the Earl of Gowrie being present with 
them, desired them to stay, while he returned and advertised 
them of the verity thereof. And incontinent the Earl of Gow- 
rie passed up the stair, and returned back, and certified the 
deponent and his colleagues of His Majesty's departure. 
Then the Lord Duke, this deponent, and remanent cried 
for their horses to follow the King. Then, as they were 
standing upon the High Street, they heard an cry and a 
voice ; and the Duke first declared, I am sure, yon is His 
Majesty's voice, be where he will himself. And immedi- 
ately thereafter, this deponent saw His Majesty, looking 
forth of a window of the round, wanting his hat, and his 
face red, crying, fy, help, my Lord Mar ! Treason, Trea- 
son ! I am murdered ! And at that same instant, to his 
judgement, was pulled per force in at that same window. 
And incontinent thereafter, this deponent passed in haste 
up with the Earl of Mar and my Lord Duke, to the cham- 
ber within the gallery ; where he saw, heard, and did in all 
things, conform to the Earl's deposition. 

(Signed) INCHECHAFFREY. 



65 

The Abbot of Lindores, sworn and examined, depones 
conform to the Lord Duke of Lennox, in all things ; ad- 
denda. That after dinner, v/hen word was of His Majesty's 
departure towards Falkland, and that they had all together 
come down to the porter, and had enquired at him, Gif the 
King's Majesty was gone furth ? the porter answered, He 
was not passed furth; and the Earl of Gowrie affirmed, 
That he was passed furth at the back-gate ; and the porter 
said to the Earl of Gowrie, That cannot be, my Lord, be- 
cause I have the key of the back-gate. And, after that 
His Majesty had cried furth of the window of the round, 
Treason, Treason ! &c. this deponent saw James Erskine 
incontinent lay hands on the Earl of Gowrie upon the 
High Street ; and immediately Sir Thomas Erskine grip- 
ped the Earl of Gowrie: fy, Traitor ! this is thy deed; thou 
shalt die. Then the Earl of Gowrie answered, I ken no- 
thing of the matter. Then instantly the Earl of Gowrie's 
men rugged the said Sir Thomas Erskin and James Ers- 
kin from the Earl of Gowrie; who incontinent ran the space 
of half an pair of but-lands from them towards Glenurchie's 
house, and drew furth his two swords, and cried, I will 
either be at my own house or die by the gate : and incon- 
tinently thereafter the said Earl, accompanied with thirty 
persons, or thereby, passed within the said place, wherein 
His Majesty was for the time: and shortly after, the de- 
ponent, as appeared to him, saw a multitude of people car- 
rying a joist towards the place. 

(Signed) LINDORES. 

Sir Thomas Erskin, of the age of thirty six years, sworn, 
<lepones, conform to the Lord Inchechaffrey, and Lord of 
Lindores; addendo, That immediately after this deponent 
heard His Majesty cry furth of the window of the round, 
fy, help ! I am betray'd, they are murdering me ! he ran 
with diligence towards the place, to have helped His Ma- 
jesty ; and before his entry, seeing the Earl of Gowrie, the 
deponent and his brother gripped him by the neck, and 
said to him, Traitor, this is thy deed. Whilk Earl an- 
swered, What is the matter? I ken nothing. Immediately 
the Earl's servants severed him from this deponent and his 
brother. And then this deponent entered within the close, 
he forgathered with Sir Hugh Harries, who demanded 01 
the deponent what the matter meant ; and in the meantime 

I 



66 

the deponent heard Sir John Ramsay crying out at the 
turnpike head, fy, Sir Thomas, come up the turnpike, even 
to the head ! and, as this deponent had passed up five steps 
of the turnpike; he sees and meets with Mr Alexander 
Ruthven blooded in two parts of his body, viz, in his face, 
and in his neck; and incontinent this deponent cries to Sir 
Hugh Herries, and others that were with him, fy, this is 
the Traitor, strike him ! and incontinent, he was stricken 
by them, and fell; and, as he was fallen, he turned his 
face and cry'd, Alas ! I had not the wyte of it, this depon- 
ent being standing above him in the turnpike. Thereafter, 
this deponent past to the head of the turnpike, and entered 
within the chamber at the head of the gallery, where the 
King and Sir John Ramsay, was there alone present ; and, 
at the first meeting, this deponent said to His Majesty, I 
thought Your Majesty would have concredited more to me, 
nor to have commanded me to await Your Majesty at the 
door, gif ye thought it not meet to have taken men with 
you. Whereupon His Majesty answered to this deponent, 
Alas ! the Traitor deceived me in that, as he did in the 
leave ; for I commanded him expressly to bring you to me, 
^vhich he promised to me, to do; and returned back, as I 
thought, to fetch you, but he did nothing, but steiked the 
door. Shortly thereafter, Sir Hugh Herries followed the 
deponent into the chamber, and George Wilson servant to 
James Erskin : and, immediately thereafter, Mr Thomas 
Cranstoun, with his sword drawn in his hand, entered 
within the said chamber ; and the Earl of Gowrie followed 
him within the same chamber, with an drawn sword in e^ 
very one of his hands, and an knapschaw on his head; who 
struck at this deponent and his colleagues an certain space, 
Likeas, they defended them and struke again : and that 
same time, this deponent was hurt in the right-hand, be 
Mr Thomas Cranstown ; and this deponent heard my Lord 
of Gowrie speak some words at his entry, but understands 
them not. At last, Sir John Ramsay gave the Earl of 
Gowrie an dead straik; and then the Earl leand him to his 
sword, and the deponent saw a man ha'd him up, whom 
he knew not; and how soon the Earl fell to the ground, 
Mr Thomas Cranstoun, and the remanent who accompa- 
nied him departed and passed down the turnpike. And 
the deponent remembers, that, at that time, there were 
more persons in the chamber with the Earl of Gowrie by 
jSir Thomas Cranstoun, but knew none of them, except he 



61 

believes that an black man, that was there in company within 
the chamber, was Hugh Moncrief, brother to the Laird of 
Moncrief ; but the deponent knows not well, whether or 
not it was Hugh Moncrief. 

(Signed) Sir THOMAS ERSKIN. 

Sir John Ramsay, of the age of twenty three years, or 
thereby, sworn, depones, That, immediately after he had 
dined, the day libelled, in the Earl of Gowrie's house, he 
took His Majestie's haulk from John Murray, to the effect, 
that the said John might have din'd: and the deponent 
missing His Majesty, and forgathering with the Laird of 
Pittencrief, in the Earl of Gowrie's hall ; and demanding 
of Pittencrief, where His Majesty was ? The said Laird first 
convoyed the deponent to the chamber where the King 
din'd; thereafter to the yaird, hoping that His Majesty 
had been there; and missing His Majesty in the yaird, con- 
voyed the deponent up to an fair gallery, where the depo- 
nent was never before ; where having remained a certain 
space beholding the gallery, they came both down to the 
closs, where they met with Mr Thomas Cranstoun in the 
midst of the closs, who said to them, That His Majesty 
was away upon horse-back, at the Inch : whereupon this 
deponent and Pittencrieff sindred, and the deponent passed 
furth of the gate, to his stable, to have gotten his horse^ 
and being standing at the stable door, he heard His Ma- 
jesty cry, knew His Highness' voice, but understood not 
what he spake ; whereupon he comes immediately within 
the closs, and finding an turnpike door open, he enters 
within the samen, and runs up the turnpike, while he comes 
to the door upon the head thereof, and hearing an struggling 
and din of men's feet, he ran with his hail force at the door 
of the turnpike-head, which enters to the chamber at the 
end of the gallery ; the deponent having in the meantime 
his haulk on his hand, and having dung open the door, he 
sees His Majesty and Mr Alexander Ruthven in others 
arms, striving and wrestling together, His Majesty having 
Mr Alexander's head under his arm, and Mr Alexander 
being almost on his knees, had his hand upon His Majes- 
ty's lace and mouth; and His Majesty seeing the deponent, 
cry'd, fy ! strike him laigh, because he has an pyne-doublet 
upon him. Whereupon the deponent cast the haulk from 
him, and drew his whinger, wherewith he strake the said 

I 2 



68 

Mr Alexander, and immediately after he was stricken, His 
Majesty shot him down stairs, whereat this deponent had 
entered : thereafter, this deponent addresses him to a win- 
dow ; and looking furth thereat, and saw Sir Thomas Ers- 
kin, the deponent cry'd, Sir Thomas, come up this turn- 
pike, even to the head. In this meantime, His Majesty 
did put his foot upon the haulk-leash, and held her a long 
time, while the deponent came and took her up again: and 
then Sir Thomas Erskin entered. And in the rest depones 
conform to Sir Thomas Erskin in all points; and further 
says, That when the deponent first entered within the 
chamber, he saw a man standing behind His Majesty's 
back, whom he noways knew, nor remembers not what ap- 
parelling he had on ; but after that this deponent had strick- 
en Mr Alexander, he saw that man no more. 

(Signed) Sir JOHN RAMSAY. 

John Graham of Urquhill, sworn and examined, de- 
pones conform to the Lord Duke of Lennox and Earl of 
Marr in all things, reddens eandem causam sciential, adding, 
That this deponent the time that he was at dinner in the 
hall, with my Lord Duke and Earl of Mar, he saw the 
King and Mr Alexander Ruthven pass throw the hall up 
the turnpike, towards the gallery : And, as this deponent, 
John Hamilton and others, were following, Mr Alexander 
ciVd back, Gentlemen stay, for so it is His Highness's will. 
(Signed) JOHN GRAHAM of URQUHILL. 

John Graham of Balgowne, of the age of fifty years or 
thereby, married, depones, conform to the Lord Duke in 
all things, adding, That this deponent the day libelled, 
after the death of the Earl of Gowrie and his brother, and 
hearing His Majesty report, That Mr Alexander pressed 
to have bound His Highness's hands with a garter ; this 
deponent found a garter at the cheek of the round door a- 
mong the bent, and immediately thereafter this deponent 
presented the garter to His Highness : and at the sight 
thereof, His Majesty said, That the same was the garter 
wherewith Mr Alexander pressed to have bound his hands ; 
and then Sir Thomas Erskin gripped to the same garter, 
and said, That he would keep it, which he has yet in keep- 
ing. 

(Signed) JOHN GRAHAM of Balgowne. 



69 

I, Mr John Moncriet depones as follows, to wit, That 
•day I was still present with my Lord of Gowrie, unto the 
time I heard His Majesty cry, Treason ! and saw him put 
his arm furth of the window of the room, and then left 
him ; for I conceived in' my heart it was plain Treason, 
conspir'd against His Majesty, and was induced hereto, in 
respect of these presumptions following: First, I saw the 
King's Majesty and umquhil Mr Alexander Ruthven my 
Lord's brother go furth at the hall door their alanes ; where- 
as His Majesty had no weapons, and Mr Alexander had a 
sword. Next, I saw His Majesty come in a quiet and so- 
ber manner to the town, where through appear'd, he would 
have no evil purpose in his mind. Item, he said, Mr A- 
lexander riding to Falkland in the morning, was obscured 
from me and my brother Hugh where he was : and I hav- 
ing enquired of my brother Hugh where he was riding to, 
he knew nothing thereof; so that neither he nor I could 
get trial of the same. Item, I having enquired at Andrew 
Henderson himself who rode to Falkland, and returned 
two hours before him, saluted me, and answersed, That he 
had been two or three miles above the town ; and says, the 
said Andrew Henderson had another doublet on, more than 
he used commonly, and was more bulksom ; and, as ap- 
pears, might have contain'd a secret. Item, That day be- 
ing the Council day of the town, my Lord excused himself, 
in respect of his advice. Item, I having pressed him to sub- 
scribe an confirmation of a Lady's, first refused, in respect 
foresaid ; always passed it thereafter. Item, my Lord tar- 
ried longer from his dinner nor he used : and albeit And- 
rew Ruthven, who was with the Master, came and round- 
ed to my Lord at the board, he made him to misknow all 
things, unto the time that the said Mr Alexander came 
himself, and then raise from the board, and met His Ma- 
jesty. Item, my Lord obscured altogether, that he knew 
of the coming of any man, while the Master came. Item, 
Mr Thomas Cranston was the first that I heard cry, The 
King's Majesty is away. Item, after my Lord Duke and 
my Lord Mar, and His Majesty's servants were in the close, 
my Lord of Gowrie came back again to the hall, saying, 
the King is away : so that, as I thought, he would have 
each man thinking so. And I thought His Majesty was 
not received with that hearty complement as became. Item, 
.after His Majesty's riding away, my brother Hugh came 



10 

to my house, and I enquiring of him what he thought of 
thir matters ; answered, Before God, so far as I can per- 
ceive, I trow, it shall kyth an plain Treason on my Lord's 
part* And I speiring at him, if he knew any thing there- 
of? Answered, He knew nothing; but he and Henry Ruth-" 
ven, after all things were ended, tell in conference there- 
anent, and he thought things were likely* Lastly, Andrew 
Henderson's letter moves me most of all. And, upon my 
salvation and condemnation, I know no further in this mat- 
ter ; nor yet can remember of any other circumstance or 
presumption, might have induced me to conceive the form- 
er, which I apprehended, in manner forsaid. 

(Signed) Mr JOHN MONCRIER 

I, Andrew Roy, one of the Bailiies of the burgh of 
Perth, be thir presents testifies upon my conscience, and 
in the sight of God, as I shall answer to him in the great 
day ; That upon the fifth day of August, one thousand and 
six hundred years, I being in the umquhile Earl of Gow- 
rie's lodging, when His Majesty was there, saw His Ma- 
jesty, after his dinner, accompanied with the Master of 
Gowrie, rise from the table, and gang forth of the cham- 
ber where he had din'd ; but to what place, I know not ; 
being beholding the said umquhil Earl of Gowrie's enter- 
tainment of the noblemen, in drinking of His Majesty's 
scoll to them ; which, His Majesty, before his rising from 
the table, had commanded him to do. And after this, the 
Lords, viz. my Lord Duke, my Lord of Mar, my Lord 
Lindores, and my Lord of Inchechaffrey, with sundry of 
His Majesty's gentlemen and servants, accompanied with 
the Earl of Gowrie in person ; and short space after din- 
ner, had missed His Majesty, and enquired where he should 
be ; they went to the foregate, and speird at the porter, 
If he saw the King go furth at the foregate ? and heard the 
porter answer, That His Majesty was not gone furth that 
way. Also that the Earl of Gowrie said to the porter, Ye 
lie, knave, He is furth ; and the porter replied, That he 
should give his head, in case his Majesty were furth. Yet, 
upon the Earl of Gowrie's assurance, that His Majesty 
was furth to the Inche, the Lords issued out in haste at the 
foregate, and speiring where the King was, I saw ane ding 
up the long-front window in the north side of the turret, 
upon the Highgate ; but who dang it up I know not. And 



71 

farther, saw clearly His Majesty shut furth his head and 
arm, at the foresaid window, and heard His Majesty cry- 
ing loudly, Fy, treason ! treason ! and murder ! help, Earl 
of Mar ! Whereupon, I being very agast, and wonderfully 
astonished, at that cruel and terrible sight, and pitiful and 
woful cry, I not knowing what the matter meant, but per- 
ceiving His Majesty in extreme and great danger, ran with, 
all possable diligence through the streets, crying loudly, Fy, 
treason, treason against the king ! For God's sake, all ho- 
nest men, haste and relieve the King: And commanded to 
ring the common bell, that all men might come in haste to 
His Majesty's relief; and then I returned with all possable 
diligence, with a great number of the people with me, and 
came before the foresaid turret and window, where I saw 
His Majesty first cry out ; and then I cried out, How is the 
King ? But my Lord Duke, and the Lord of Mar answer- 
ed, The King is well, (Praise be to God.) Then I cried 
again up to His Majesty, and shew his Majesty, That the 
bailies and township were then come in all haste, to supply 
and relieve His Majesty : And therefore besought His Ma- 
jesty to command what was His Majesty's will^ and best to 
be done. And then His Majesty beckoned furth his hand 
to me and to the people, commanding me to cause the peo* 
pie retire to their lodgings. Which commandment. I in* 
continent obeyed, and commanded all manner of men, to 
retire themselves to their lodgings ; and likewise past to the 
market cross, and, by open Proclamation, commanded in 
His Highness's name, That all men should retire to their 
lodgings ; under the pain of treason who obeyed not incon- 
tinent after my charge. And this I testify to be of verity, 
by the faith and truth of my bod)', so far as I justly remem- 
ber. In witness of which I have subscribed these Presents 
with my hand the thirteenth day of October, one thousand 
and six hundred years, before these witnesses, Mr Patrick 
Galloway Minister to His Majesty, James Drummond of 
Letch el, Oliver Young, Constantine Mellis, Thomas John- 
ston, baillies, Henry Elder, clerk ; Robert Anderson, An- 
drew Mowat and William Jack, burgesses of Perth, 

(Signed) ANDREW ROY, Baillie, 
Patrick Galloway, Witness, &c. &c. 

Robert Christie, porter to umquhile John Earl of Gow- 
rie, of the age of thirty years, solutus^ depones, That he 



72 
was porter to the Earl of Gowrie, the fifth day of August 
libelled: sicklike, he was by the space of five weeks of be- 
fore. And shortly after the dinner, this deponent saw My 
Lord Duke, the Earl of Mar, the Earl of Gowrie, come 
to the close; and My Lord Duke speir'd at this deponent, 
If His Majesty was passed furth of the close? the deponent 
answered, That he was not furth. Then the Lord of Mar 
said, Billy, tell me the verity, if His Majesty be furth or 
not? And he answered, In truth, he is not furth. The 
Earl of Gowrie looking with an angry countenance, said, 
Thou lied, he is furth at the back-gate, and through the 
Inche, Then this deponent answered, That cannot be, 
My Lord, for I have the key of the back-gate, and of all 
the gates of the Place. Thereafter, this deponent heard 
and saw His Majesty looking furth of the window of the 
round, and crying, Treason J Treason ! fy, help, my Lord 
of Mar! and incontinent, my Lord Duke, the Earl of Mar, 
and others, ran up the stair of the turnpike to the gallery: 
and thereafter, the Lord of Gowrie came from the High 
Street, within the close, having a steel bonnet on his head, 
and a drawn sword in his hand, accompanied with Alexan- 
der and Hary Ruthvens, Patrick Eviot, and Hugh Mon- 
crieff, Mr Thomas Cranston ; all having drawn swords in 
their hands, and passed altogether with my Lord up the 
old turnpike; but what was done within the house and 
place thereafter, knows not but by report : neither saw he 
any joist brought to the place, by any of the town. And 
knows no more of the matter. 

(Signed) ROBERT CHRISTIE. 

Alexander Blair, younger of Balthyik, sworn and ex- 
amined, depones, conform to immediate precedents; ex- 
cept, That he saw not my Lord of Gowrie pass with his 
company, and drawn swords, up the turnpike : but saw A- 
lexander, and Hary Ruthvens, and Hugh Moncrieffi come 
down the little turnpike, where they and my Lord had a- 
scended, the saids three persons having drawn swords in 
their hands ; but saw not Patrick Eviot there. And this 
deponent says, That after the tumult was risen, and this 
deponent pressing to enter within the place, he was a little 
staid by them in the place, but they yielded at once, and 
the deponent got entry. Likewise, he saw a joist brought 



73 

from the town, and set up at the wall of the close ; but who 
brought the samen in, he knows not. 

(Signed) ALEXANDER BLAIR, 
Appearand of Balthyik. 

George Hay, Prior of Charterhouse, of the age of twenty- 
eight years, or thereby, married : depones, conform to the 
Lord Duke of Lennox, in all things, after His Majesty's 
entry in St Johnstoun the day libelled, adding, that, that 
samen day, the deponent having ado in St Johnstoun with 
the Earl of Gowrie, and speaking with him in his own 
place, he saw Andrew Henderson come in booted from 
Falkland, and heard the said Earl of Gowrie enquire of 
the said Andrew, Who was with His Majesty at Falkland? 
And thereafter, the said Earl took the said Andrew Hen- 
derson to the cabinet, and, after a certain space, the Earl 
coming to the chamber, he gave this deponent his dispatch ; 
Saying, That he had to do that day, and might not await 
of his errand, and bad him come another day. 

(Signed) GEORGE HAY. 

Mr Peter Hay* of the age of thirty years, or thereby, 
married ; depones conform to George Hay in all things, 
the witnesses immediately preceeding. 

(Signed) PETER HAY. 

Robert Graham of Thorink, sworn and examined, de- 
pones, conform to the Duke of Lennox, after that His 
Majesty had entered in Perth. 

(Signed) ROBERT GRAHAM. 

Oliver Young, baillie in Perth, sworn and examined, 
depones, That the day libelled, this deponent was in the 
Earl of Gowrie's lodging, where he saw the King dine; 
and after dinner, saw the King's Majesty and Mr Alex- 
ander Ruthven, pass their allanes through the hall, and up 
the turnpike; and immediately thereafter, this deponent 
passed to his own lodging in the town; where he abode while 
the cry and tumult raise; and, incontinent, this deponent 
running to the place whereat His Majesty cried out at the 
window ; and commanded this deponent, by name, to stay 
the tumult of the people ; the which this deponent obeyed 
and did ; and saw Hugh Moncrief coming forth of the 

K 



place; but his face being bloody, and Hary Ruthven, on* 

of the defenders, at the mouth of the Watergate, with a. 

drawn sworn in his hand ; and knows no more of the matter. 

(Signed) OLIVER YOUNG. 

James Drummond of Pitcarnis, sworn and examined, 
depones, conform is immediate prreccdenti in omnibus : add- 
ing, That as the deponent, immediately after the cry raise, 
running to the place libelled, he meets upon the High 
Street Alexander Ruthven, one of the defenders, having a 
drawn sword in his hand, and crying, fire and powder ! 
and he knows no more of the matter. 

(Signed) JAMES DRUMMOND. 

William Reynd, Flesher in St Johnstoun, of the age 
of thirty years or thereby, married, depones, That he saw 
within the close of Perth, after fray raise, Patrick Eviot 
and Hugh Monciief, both bloody, having drawn swords in 
their hands. 

(Signed) WILLIAM REYND. 

Thomas Burgess in Perth, sworn and examin- 
ed, depones, conform to James Drummond and William 
Reynd ; But he saw not Patrick Eviot there. 

(Signed) THOMAS 

George Wilson, servant to James Erskin, of the age of 
twenty-four years or thereb}-, soluttis, depones, conform to 
Sir Thomas Erskin in all things ; by reason this deponent 
was in company with the said Sir Thomas, after the first 
time, that he and James Erskin his brother had gripped 
the Earl of Gowrie, and were sindered from him by his 
servants, and immediately thereafter, this deponent accom- 
panied the said Sir Thomas Erskin up to the turnpike, in- 
to the chamber where His Majesty was, where he saw, as 
the said Sir Thomas has deponed in all things. 

(Signed) GEORGE WILSON. 

David Reynd, Flesher in Perth, sworn and examined; 
depones, conform to James Drummond, and heard Alex- 
ander Ruthven cry for powder ; but saw not Patrick Eviot. 

(Signed) DAVID REYND. 



75 

Gilbert Hutchison in Perth, of the age of twenty-four 
years or thereby, solutus, depones, conform to James Drum* 
mond in all things, and David Reynd. 

(Signed) GILBERT HUTCHISON, 

John Murray of Arkney, of the age of fifty-eight years 
or thereby, married, depones, The day libelled, this de- 
ponent came to St Johnstoun after dinner, where he heard 
His Majesty crying furth of the window of the round, fy 9 
treason ! My Lord Mar help ! Immediately thereafter, my 
Lord of Mar and the Duke ran up the broad turnpike ; and 
the deponer followed them in the close, where he saw the 
Lord of Gowrie, having an steel bonnet on his head, and 
two drawn swords, ane in ilk hand ; and saw the said Earl 
pass up the turnpike, accompanied with certain of his ser- 
vants, having drawn swords in their hands ; of whom he 
knows none, 

(Signed) JOHN MURRAY, 

Thomas Burrell, burgess of Perth, sworn and examin- 
ed, depones, conform to James Drummond, adding, That 
the time of the fray, this deponent entering within the close 
of the place, he saw standing in the close, with drawn 
sw T ords in their hands, Alexander and Hary Ruthvens, and 
Hugh Moncrief blooding in his face, and at the same time, 
this deponent saw Mr Thomas Cranston came down the 
black turnpike, and he took furtji of his hand his sword, 
and lieard the said Alexander Ruthven cry for fire and 
powder; and saw not Patrick Eviot there. 

(Signed) THOMAS BURRELL. 

Alexander Forrest, Tailer in Perth, of the age of forty 
years or thereby, married, depones, The day libelled he 
saw George Craigengelt and Walter Crookshank, a Lac- 
quey, standing in the yard with drawn swords. 

(Signed) ALEXANDER FORREST. 

William Robertson noter in Perth, of the age of thirty- 
four years or thereby, married, depones, The day libelled, 
this deponent being within the close of the place, he saw 
the Lord of Gowrie standing in the close, accompanied 
with seven or eight persons, of whom he knew none ; the 
said Earl then having an steel bonnet on his head, and an 

K 2 



76 
drawn sword in his hand ; at the whilk sight this deponent 
being afraid, past forth of the place, and knows no more 
in the matter. 

(Signed) WILLIAM ROBERTSON. 

Robert Calbraith, servant to the King's Majesty, of the 
age of thirty years, depones conform to the Lord Duke of 
Lennox in all things, by reason this deponent, all that day, 
vras in company with His Majesty, and after that His Ma- 
jesty had cryed out at the window, Treason ! this depon- 
ent followed the Duke and Earl of Mar up the turnpike, 
and depones, as they have deponed. 

(Signed) ROBERT CALBRAITH. 

Robert Brown, servant to His Majesty, depones, con- 
form immediate prcccedenti in omnibus, because this depon- 
ent, the time libelled, accompanied Sir John Hamilton to 
.fetch the hammers up to the gallery ; and this deponent pass- 
ed up the little black turnpike, and at his first entry with- 
in the chamber, he saw the Earl of Gowrie lying dead, 
there being at that time in company with His Majesty, Sir 
Thomas Erskin, Sir Hugh Harries, Sir John Ramsay, and 
Georce Wilson. 

(Signed) ROBERT BROWN. 

James Bog porter to His Majesty, sworn and examined, 
depones, That he saw the Kjng's Majesty, and Mr Alex- 
raider Ruthven pass through the hall, and saw that day, 
George Craigengelt with an drawn sword in his hand, ac- 
companied with certain rascals : And, in others, depones 
conform to the Lord Duke, and Earl of Mar in all things. 

(Signed) JAMES BOG. 

John Bog, servant to His Majesty in the ale cellar, 
sworn and examined, depones conform to James Bog. 

(Signed) JOHN BOG. 

Alexander Peebles, burgess of Perth, of the age of thirty 
years or thereby, married, depones, the day libelled, this 
cleponent being within his own house foranent the Earl of 
Gowrie's lodging ; how soon his mother heard the common 
bell ring, she locked the door and held him in all the time; 
and saw at that time, the Earl of Gowrie enter in at the 



o-ate with two drawn swords, ane in ilk band ; and, an Lac-* 
quey put an steel bonnet on his head; And, an certain 
space therafter, the deponent saw Hugh MoncriefF come 
furth of the place with an bloody head, and Patrick Eviot's 
man likewise blooding 7 and also saw Patrick Eviot come 
furth of the hall : but remembers not, if he had an sword 
in his hand : and also saw Alexander Ruthven come furth 
with an sword drawn in his hand. 

(Signed) ALEXANDER PEEBLES. 



Such was the evidence adduced by the Crown Agents, 
in support of the charge of Treason, made against the two 
unfortunate brothers ; and which was given out, to be so 
compleatly satisfactory to their judges, that, nem. con. they, 
the Lords and Estates of Parliament, found them guilty, 
and that same day, November 15th, 1600, they pronoun- 
ced the following sentence : 

The Sentence and Doom pronounced, by the Lords and 
Estates of Parliament, for High Treason, against 
John Earl of Gowrie, and his brother Mr Alexander 
Ruthven — 

The saids Lords and Estates of Parliament finds, de- 
cerns and declares, That the said umquhil John Earl of 
Gowrie, and Mr Alexander Ruthven his brother, commit- 
ted, and did open and manifest Treason against our said 
Sovereign Lord, in all points, articles and matter contain- 
ed in the said summons : And therefore it was given for 
Doom, by the mouth of David Lindsay, Dempster of Par- 
liament, in manner and form as follows : 

This Court of Parliament shows for Law, That the said 
umquhil John Earl of Gowrie, and umquhil Mr Alexander 
Ruthven his brother, committed the foresaid crime of Trea- 
son and Leaze-Majesty in their lifetimes, against our Sove* 
reign Lord and his Authority Royal, in manner at length 
contained in the said summons : And therefore decerns and 
declares the Name, Memory and Dignity of the said um- 
quhil John Earl of Gowrie, and umquhil Mr Alexander 
Ruthven his brother, to be extinguished, and their arms 
to be cancelled and deleted furth of the Rooks of Arms and 
Nobility, so that their Posterity shall be unhabile, and un- 
capable, in all time coming, to bruik, possess or enjoy any 
•ffices, dignities, honours, successions, possessions, and 



75 
all goods, movables and immovables, rights, titles, hope 
of succession, and others whatsomever within this Realm ; 
and all goods, lands, rents, offices, benefits, honours, dig- 
nities, hope and appearance of succession, rights, titles, 
possessions, and others goods and gear, movable and im- 
movable, and to theirs whatsomever whilk is any ways par- 
tain'd to the said umquhil John Earl of Gowrie, and urn- 
quhil Mr Alexander Ruthven his brother; or which is by 
any right, title, hope of succession, possession, or any other 
manner of way might have belong'd or partain'd to them, 
to be confiscated, devolved in our Sovereign Lord ; and to 
appertain to His Highness : And in all time coming, re- 
main in property with His Majesty for ever. And farder, 
His Majesty and Estates foresaid, in detestation of the said 
horrible, unnatural and vile Treason, attempted by the said 
nmquhil John, sometime Earl of Gowrie, and umquhil 
Mr Alexander Ruthven, against His Highness's own life, 
Decerns, Statutes and Ordains, That the said bodies of 
the saids Traitors, shall be carried upon Monday next, to 
the public Cross of Edinburgh ; and there to be Hanged, 
Quartered, and Drawn, in presence of the hail people: 
And thereafter, the heads, quarters, and carcases, to be 
affixed upon the most patent places and parts of the Bur- 
roughs of Edinburgh, Perth, Dundee, and Stirling. And 
this I give for Doom. 

The Parliament at same time passed the following Sen- 
tence. 

The Sentence and Doom pronounced by the Lords 
and Estates of Parliament, for High Treason, a- 
gainst Alexander and Hary Ruthvens, Hugh Mon- 
crieff, and Patrick Eviot ; who were actors in the same 
crime, and judged by the same parliament, on the 
15th day of November, 1600. 

The saids Lords and Estates of Parliament finds, de- 
cerns, and declares, That the saids Alexander and Hary 
Ruthvens, Hugh Moncrieff, and Patrick Eviot, and ilk 
ane of them committed, and did open and manifest Trea- 
son, against our Sovereign Lord, in all points, articles, 
and manner contained in the said Summons, and therefore, 
it was given for Doom, by the mouth of David Lindsay, 
Dempster of Parliament, in manner and form as follows. 

This Court of Parliament shows for Law, That the said 
Alexander Ruthven, Plary Ruthven, his brother ; sons 



?9 

lawful to Alexander Ruthven of Freeland ; Hugh Moncrieff 
brother to William Moncrieff of Moncrieff; and Patrick 
Eviot brother to Colin Eviot of Balhousie ; committed the 
crimes of Treason and Lese- Majesty, against our Sovereign 
Lord and his authority royal, in manner at length contain- 
ed in the said Summons : And therefore, decerns and declares 
their persons to underly the pains of treason and Lese-Ma- 
jesty, and last punishment proscribed by the laws of this 
realm; all their goods moveable and immoveable, as well 
heritages as offices, benefices, and others whatsomever par- 
taining to them, or whilk is, or might any way belong, or 
appertain to them, to be confiscated to his Majesty, and to 
remain with his Highness in property forever; and their 
posterity to be now, and in all time coming, uncapable and 
unhabil to bruick and possess within this realm, any honours, 
dignities, offices, benefices, successions, or other goods, or 
near, moveable or immoveable. And this I give for doom. 

And to conclude all, the parliament passed an act, in 
the following terms. " In all times and ages to come, the 
fifth of August shall be solemnly kept with prayers, preach- 
ings, and thanks-giving for that benefit, discharging all 
work, labour and other occupations on the said day, which 
might distract the people in any sort, from those pious ex- 
ercises." 

The last Tuesday of September, and the Sunday next 
following had already been observed as days of national 
thanksgiving. 



In the fourth place, we shall enquire, as far as we have 
in our power, into the characters of the witnesses, judges. 
parties and other persons concerned in this transaction, so 
as to ascertain, as near as possible, what credibility is due 
to their evidence, or what their motives were, for intermed- 
dling in this affair. ' 

1st. Mr William Coupar is the first of these who falls to 
be taken notice of. In his younger years he had been .a 
zealous Presbyterian. He was ordained minister of Both- 
kennar in 1587, and was removed thence to Perth in 1595. 
Although he had not the good fortune to be present at or 
contribute to the Earl's death, the assistance which he gave 
in ruining his character, small as it was, is sufficient to shew 



so 

his obsequious zeal. He, and his colleague Mr Malcolm* 
left Perth the day before, (August 4th.) for Stirling, where 
the Synod of that bounds sat down on the 5th. The news 
of what had happened at Perth, reached them before their 
return, and on Friday following, he posted from Stirling, 
direct to Falkland, and there, through the medium of Spot^ 
tiswood, vented the story of his catching the Earl, some 
days before, perusing a treatise on the conspiracies of Prin- 
ces ; the probability of which, we shall have occasion after- 
wards to investigate* . In the mean time, we are to observe, 
that even admitting the truth of it, the divulging it at that 
time shewed Coupar to have had a bad heart, and to have 
been a time-server; two traits of his character which are 
said to have been very prominent. Gowry was his Parishioner, 
and regularly attended his ministry. His theological pro- 
fession was purely orthodox, according to the Geneva con- 
fession, the Standard of the Kirk ; and even although he 
had been a traitor, now when he could do no more harm, 
Coupar, unless called upon, might well have declined tak- 
ing any share in his condemnation, when he had nothing 
to soy more to the purpose than this silly fabrication. The 
truth is, he saw the Presbyterian cause had received a shock, 
which it was not likely long to survive, so he thought it best 
to offer his services in some other way. It was, however a 
long time before they were suitably rewarded. Fourteen 
years did he wait at the pool side : at length in 1614 he was 
made bishop of Galloway, and dean of the chapel-royal. 
He died at Leith, Feb. 15, 1619. 

2d. James Weemys of Bogie is the first witness whose 
deposition is on record. He was examined, in a precogni- 
tion taken at Falkland, on Saturday the 9th, before the 
principal officers of State. It is altogether foreign to any 
plot, real or pretended, against the king's person; ajid 
respects the Earl only, taking no notice of his brother A- 
lexander. It's sole drift evidently is, to represent Gowry 
as a Magician or Necromancer, and for that purpose, gives 
an account of some conversations which the deponent bad 
with him. The story from beginning: to end would at this 
time be considered as below ridicule. If Weemys was serious 
in his declaration, whoever should have burnt him for a witch, 
would certainly have lost their coals. But there is ground 
for suspecting, that he was more knave than fool. He saw 
that the Earl could be of no more service to him as a friend. 






81 

being a Gentleman of the Bedchamber, he, no doubt, found 
it prudent to take part with his master and fellow servants 
Besides these, there was another circumstance, which per- 
haps would weigh something with him. He. had been as- 
sisting to Stewart Earl of Bothwell in some of his treason- 
able exploits, for which he was apprehended and put in 
confinement, A. D. 1592. But being on an intimate foot- 
ing with one of the Queen's maids, she, one night after 
their majesties had retired to rest, applied to the guard 
who had him in custody, and told that the king wished 
to have the prisoner brought to his apartments, for the 
purpose of asking some questions of him. The guard 
conducted him to the chamber door, which he entered, and 
by the help of the girl, was let down from a window, and 
escaped. He afterwards married his deliverer, and at the 
Queen's intercession was pardoned. Thus gratitude and 
interest combined at this time to induce him to assist James 
at a dead pull. 

3d. Mr William Rynd was examined, in a precognition 
taken before the Junto at Falkland on the 20th. and 22d. 
of the month. 

He was the fourth son of Mr William Rynd, minister of 
Kinnoul, in the immediate neighbourhood of Perth : and is 
said to have been Rector of the Grammar School of that 
city. We know that the elder Mr Rynd, along with the 
cure of Kinnoul, was Rector of the Grammar School in 
Perth, and lived till 1610. So that it is probable the young- 
er Mr Rynd was only assistant to his father. 

He accompanied Gowry abroad, as travelling tutor. It 
appears from the forged letters ascribed to Logan, that 
Rynd was looked upon as a pious, cautious man : and from 
the questions which were put to him at Falkland, he seems 
to have lived on terms of considerable intimacy with the 
Earl, and consequently would not willingly say any thing 
to his prejudice; but, as his evidence could not fail to make 
an impression, it was indispensably necessary. There re- 
mained then no alternative, but to force what answers they 
wished for from him by torture ; a method which they re- 
sorted to accordingly. Xicolson the English Resident in 
Scotland, in a letter to Cecil dated the next day (August 21.) 
the original of which is extant in the Paper Office, writes 
«' Mr William Rynd the Pedagogue, hath been extremely 

XJ 



booted, but confesseth nothing of that matter against the 
Earl or his brother." 

4th. The same day in which Mr Rynd was questioned, 
another of Gfowry's servants was examined. But he was 
more pliable than the other. He took care to have no oc- 
casion for the boots. This was Andrew Henderson, cham- 
berlain or factor on the Earl's Perthshire estate. He was 
the only one that pretended to know any thing of what pas- 
sed in the closet betwixt the king and Alexander Ruthven. 
His was the only evidence, which directly brought home to 
the two brothers any treasonable attempt upon the king's 
person, consequently was the most material of the whole, 
provided, it could have been depended on ; to ascertain 
which, we have only to inform ourselves what sort of man 
Henderson was. 

Spottiswood, who was his contemporary, a courtier, and 
strenuous advocate for James, speaking of Henderson, says 
" The man was of a servile spirit, and apt enough to do mis- 
chief." i. e. He was a mischievous scoundrel. This is sav- 
ing a great deal, but still it is saying too little. He certainly 
was the most consummate villain, (with perhaps a single ex- 
ception) who at that time existed on Scottish ground. On 
this occasion he literally sold himself to do wickedness, 
When he saw the Earl fall, and had no prospect of being 
further benefited by the house of Ruthven, he came forward, 
by the persuasion of Galloway the King's chaplain, and the 
promise of pardon, and an annuity for life ; and swore to a 
number of inconsistent falshoods, thereby facilitating the 
royal design of annihilating the family, and seizing its pro- 
perty. He, with Weemys, and Christie, were the only ser- 
vants of Gowry who voluntarily bore testimony against him : 
and they were all three continued in their places by Sir Da- 
vid Murray, who got the estate of Scone. Sir David too* 
being appointed provost of Perth, thought proper, two or 
three years afterwards, to have Henderson elected or ra- 
ther appointed, one of the resident magistrates ; partly, no 
doubt, because he found him a very proper tool to work 
with, when it was inconvenient for himself to be present ; 
and partly, as we may presume, with the view of again pro- 
curing Henderson some respectability. But he was held 
in such detestation by every body, that it was found the man 
might bring the office into contempt ; but the office could 
not raise the man into esteem. Therefore, after a year's tri* 



83 

al the attempt was abandoned. Spottiswood says " he look t 
ever after that time as one half distracted". Which in^ 
deed is nothing but what might have been expected ; for 
supposing him to have had nothing about him of what w^ 
call conscience, yet he knew, that he was contemned by 
every body. Gowry's friends held him in abhorrence as a 
principal agent in the murder and robbery; and those who 
paid him for his service on that occasion, now that they 
had no more use for him, despised him, as a mercenary ruf- 
fian. So that it is more surprising he did not put an untime- 
ly end to his earthly existence, than that he was ashamed 
to be seer;. The evidence of such a wretch will at all times 
be considered as suspicious, even when consistent with itself 
and corroborated by collateral circumstances; but when 
composed of incoherencies, and improbabilities, no ration- 
al person has it in his power, sincerely to assent to it. De- 
plorable indeed is the state of that country whose judicial 
proceedings can be influenced by such methods. We shall 
afterwards have occasion, when reviewing Henderson's de- 
positions, to point out a number of his perjuries, 

5th. Mr Patrick Galloway the king's chaplain endeavour- 
ed as much as in him lay to infuse a belief of the reality of 
James's story into the public mind. And it was said at the 
time to have been principally at his instigation that Hen- 
derson agreed to acknowledge himself to have been the arm- 
ed man in the closet. Galloway continued to adhere to the 
Presbyterian form of church government all his life, though 
he was a courtier and saw that it was exceeding obnoxious 
to the king. He even presided in several meetings of the 
clergy, and occasionally was their spokesman in claiming 
what they conceived to be their rights. But there is great 
reason for believing, that he was employed by the king, as 
a spy, to watch their conduct, and suffered to go so far 
along with them, that he might share in their councils, and 
lead them into that course, which his Majesty was so an- 
xious for them to follow. 

With all his failings, he seems to have preserved a de- 
gree of consistency in one respect, viz. that whoever had 
the civil power in their hands, he would be minister of the 
gospel at Perth. He was appointed to that charge in 1580, 
and attached himself to William Earl of Gowry, and that 
party which opposed Lennox and Arran. On that account 
he became so obnoxious to James, that when these minion? 

L2 



84 

got again into power, he found it necessary to leave his 
cure and retire into England. Next year, however, he 
found means to make his peace and returned to Perth. In 
1589 he was appointed chaplain to the king, from which 
we may fairly infer, that he had given up all his seditious 
notions. And for the destruction of the house of Ruthven, 
he appears to have been a zealous partisan of James. He 
was at Perch on the fifth of August, and used all his rheto-? 
ric to persuade the townsmen of Gowry's guilt; and on 
James's arrival in Edinburgh on the eleventh, he did the 
same from the cross of that city, in a kind of sermon. It 
is not said, what rewards Galloway received for his ser- 
vices at this time, further than that of being appointed one 
of the ministers of Edinburgh, and having a pension which 
he received out of the estate of Scone doubled. We are 
told that James, his son, was in great favour both with 
King James, and Charles his son. The first of whom 
made him Master of Requests, when very young. The lat- 
ter created him Lord Dunkeld. Rut his grandson, joining 
Viscount Dundee with what forces he could raise at Kilii- 
cr.an.ky, was outlawed. 

6th. Mr David Jjindsay was a son of Lindsay of Edzel 
in Angus. He had been a strenuous abettor of the Duke 
of Lennox, and did every thing in his power to have him 
recalled from exile, after the Raid of Ruthven. His fawn- 
ing disposition, and attachment to Lennox recommended 
him to king James. He accompanied the king to Norway 
to bring home his Queen. He married them, and conti- 
nued all winter with them in that country. He baptized 
some of their children, particularly the unfortunate Charles. 

He was minister of Leith, and on the 5th of August 
was at Falkland, whether accidentally, or designedly that he 
might carry the news to Edinburgh, we pretend not to 
know. But he arrived in that cit} r at ten in the forenoon 
cf Wednesday, the sixth, so that he must have been early 
on the road. When he got there, the council and clergy 
were contending about convening the people, and solemnly 
giving God thanks for His Majesty's deliverance. Lindsay 
having received his account of the matter from the king, 
there could no longer be any doubt among Courtiers as to 
its authenticity. So he was desired to officiate on this oc- 
casion, in place of the Edinburgh Clergy. Accordingly, 
from the top of the market cross he addressed the surround- 



85 

ing multitude, endeavouring to persuade it, of the reality of 
the treasonable attempt of the two brothers. And then for- 
mally praised God, for this singular interposition of his pro- 
vidence. And when James crossed the Forth on the fol- 
lowing Monday, Lindsay again harangued the people, in 
Leith Church, in the king's presence, before his Majesty 
went up to Edinburgh. So much obsequiousness required 
some recompence; accordingly he was made Bishop of 
Ross in the following October; which dignity, together 
with the cure of Leith, he enjoyed till his death in 1613. 
He accompanied James to England ; and when an attempt 
was made to unite the two kingdoms ; Lindsay was appoint- 
ed a commissioner for that purpose. 

7th. Archbishop Spottiswood was a son of the parson 
of Calder. He seems to have been a busy, meddling 
churchman; and an insinuating scrambler at Court. At 
the time of Gowry's death, he himself was parson of Cal- 
der; but soon got much into favour. In 1602, he went as 
chaplain to Lennox in his embassy to France. Next year, 
lie set out for London with James, on his accession to the 
English crown ; but the account of Archbishop Beaton's 
death overtaking them on their way, James appointed 
.Spottiswood his successor in the see of Glasgow, and made 
liim a Privy Councillor. He retained Glasgow till 1615, 
when a vacancy happening in the primacy, by the death 
of Archbishop Gladstanes, Spottiswood was translated to 
St Andrews. Soon afterwards, he had interest enough, to 
get the rents of the priory of that city added to those of the 
Archbishopric. He continued in favour even after James's 
death. It was then that he wrote his History of Scotland, 
Laving been employed by James to do so; in which he gives 
some account of the Gowry conspiracy; but as might be 
expected in such a case, it is a very partial and incorrect 
one. Charles the First made him Chancellor in 1635, but 
he was outed in 1638, and died in London the following 
year. 

8th. Colonel William Stewart of Houston was a cadet 
of the Darnly family. In 1567, he was made Commenda- 
tor of Pittenweem; and in 1585 got a grant of the lands 
belonging to that abbey. James made him Gentleman of 
the Bedchamber, and Captain of the Guard. Indeed he 
seems to have stood very high in the king's favour ; as he 
was twice entrusted with a commission to treat for a wife to 



$6 

him; and commanded the fleet which carried James to 
Denmark, and in which he and his Queen came home. 
Besides this, he was employed in some other embassies; and 
was the person commissioned to apprehend William Earl of 
Gowry. Though presumptive heir to his brother Thomas 
Stewart of Grandtully, he was knighted in Sir Thomas' 
lifetime, and at his death succeeded to his honours, and 
the patrimonial estate. 

The most probable reason why he was not brought for- 
ward as a witness at the trial, is having been employed to 
seize the first Earl of Gowry, when it was determined to 
put him to death. Earl John, after returning from his tra- 
vels, expressed so much aversion to him on that account, 
as to induce the king to reprimand him, (Gowry). This 
being the case, it perhaps was judged too bare-faced a step, 
to use Stewart's evidence against the two brothers ; and it 
certainly was unnecessary, as plenty of witnesses could be 
obtained from other quarters. 

He accompanied Lennox, and that band of assassins 
who beset the principal stair ; and from his known charac- 
ter, we may presume, that had not those who went up the 
private stair been before hand with him, this Ruffian would 
have been the Sir John Ramsay of Lennox's division. 
However, though he was not in the room at the death of 
the two brothers, James knew that was no fault of his, and 
therefore bestowed one of the Earl's estates on him, for his 
faithful services done the king, especially this at Perth on 
the fifth of August. 

Besides his cruelty, Colonel Stewart, on some occasions, 
furnished striking instances of his perfidious disposition. 
When but a young man, he contrived to ingratiate him- 
self into the favour of those noblemen who rescued King 
James at Huntingtower from Lennox and Arran. Although 
he was a younger brother of Arran, he was sent by that 
party who committed the Raid of Ruthyen, ambassador to 
England in April, 1583, whence he returned the following 
June, and in a few weeks afterwards, we find him a princi- 
pal assistant to James in his elopement from St Andrews*. 

9th. William the eldest son of John Murray of Tulli- 
bardine, was in Perth on the fifth of August 1600. He 
was said to have been eminently serviceable in pacifying the 

* It is remarkable that Margaret Stewart, John Knox's second wife, was 
sister to Arran, and this Colonel Stewart. 



populace, wnose fury seems to have inclined them to go to 
the utmost extremities. In reward he got the Sheriffship 
of Perthshire, which was heritable in the RuthVen family, 
and which continued in his family till the abolition of the 
Heritable Jurisdictions in 1748. Gowry's Family Seat, 
Ruthven Castle and Estate, was also given to Murray. In 
1604 his father John was made Lord Murray; and in 1606 
Earl of Tullibardine. Charles the First created him Earl 
of Athole. 

10th. The Sir David Murray of Gospetrie, whom we 
hear of on this occasion, was, at that time, second son of 
Sir Andrew Murray of Balvaird, to whom he afterwards 
succeeded. He was bred up at the court, and became a. 
very great favourite. James made him Cupbearer, Master 
of the Horse, and Captain of the Guard. He was after- 
wards made a Knight, and Comptroller of the Revenue. 
It was however thought necessary, that something still 
more substantial should be provided for one who stood so 
high in the king's estimation. Accordingly, he was at 
Perth, on the fifth of August, when, besides any share he 
had in the assassination, he, together with his relation, 
Murray younger of Tullibardine, were very active in quiet- 
ing the enraged townsmen, whose threats terrified James 
so much. He attended the king to Falkland in the evening. 

Preserving James's life in such an emergency, was, no 
doubt, a great service ; but it was amply rewarded. The 
Abbacy of Scone, which Gowry held in commendam, was 
erected into a Lordship, and bestowed on him. A grant 
afterwards confirmed by Act of Parliament. He got the 
Rangership of the Lomonds, and Falkland Park, and Cas- 
tlestead, besides several other beneficial grants. 

He was appointed Commissioner to several General As- 
semblies, where he toiled hard to subvert the Presbyterian 
form of Church government*. And on the Five Articles 
of Perth being ratified by parliament, A. D. 1621. His 
Majesty's Representative, the Marquis of Hamilton, dis- 
patched him to London with the news; which were so 
grateful to James that he created him Viscount Stormont. 
He married Elisabeth Beaton, grand-daughter of the Cardi- 

* If we can believe Calderwood, he (Sir David) was a man of brutal 
manners and ungovernable passions, after he got into power, as appeared by 
his behaviour in the Synod held at Perth in J 607 ; and his treatment of the 
historian himself, while leading him to prison in St Andrews. 



hal, but had no children by her. At his death, in 1631^ 
he was possessed of a very great landed estate. His titles 
fell successively to six or seven different branches of the 
Murray s, and at last settled in an ancestor of the present 
Earl of Mansfield. 

11th. David Moyse was a domestic of the king's. He, 
unintentionally it is presumed, was the cause of much vex- 
ation to his Master, by sending an account of the affair at 
Perth, to Edinburgh early on the next morning, without 
consulting James or those who framed the government nar- 
rative relative to the circumstances of the transaction which 
were to be communicated to the world. The consequence 
was, that the one account differing so much from the other, 
suspicion was aroused, enquiry set a foot, and the truth 
discovered to the public. 

Moyse afterwards wrote an account of some transactions 
of his own time, and amongst others makes mention of the 
Gowry Conspiracy. But as he published scon after the 
date of that event, he dared advance no gross improbabili- 
ties and falsehoods, as some, who lived an hundred years 
afterwards did. 

12th. George, the first Earl of Cromarty, must hot be 
overlooked in this list, he having particularly interested 
himself in behalf of James's account of the affair. He pub- 
lished, An Account of the Gowry Conspiracy ; a perform- 
ance no ways serviceable to the cause it was meant to sup- 
port, so very unfair and even false are many of its state- 
ments. Yet he pretends to great impartiality in his narra- 
tive; and as a kind of collateral security, that he would 
not blacken the character of the Ruthven Family undeser- 
vedly, he tells us, that he had been married to two wives 
descended of that house. — His first wife was daughter to 
Sir John Sinclair of Moy. How she was related to Gowry 
does not appear. After he was on the wrong side of sixty, 
he married Margaret Countess of Weemys in her own 
right, the young widow of Lord Weemys of Burntisland. 
Her grandfather's grandmother was Cecilia daughter to 
William, second Lord Ruthven, great-grandfather to 
Earl John ; a very remote connection indeed, and which, 
on the other side, is certainly much more than counterba- 
lanced by his (Cromarty's) mother being niece to the three 
Erskins who acted so conspicuous a part in this affair. A 
circumstance certainly equally deserving of notice with the 



89 

fcther, as being much more likely to influence his opinion i 
But that is not the only particular in which his disingenui- 
ty appears. In the preface to this pamphlet, he tells us, 
that the presbyterian clergy, and among the rest Mr Ro- 
bert Rollock did " invent and clandestinely propagate that 
Gowry and his brother did never conspire against the king. 
But that the King did murder them both." That such re- 
port was propagated is unquestionable. But Rollock died 
in 1598, two years before the death of the Earl and his bro- 
ther. Again, he says that Cranston and Craigengelt, the 
Earl's two servants, who were hanged for being accessories 
to the plot, asserted, That Gowry did not mean to murder 
the King, but only to cause him make some sort of repara- 
tion for the death of Earl William. But Spottiswood, who 
attended at their execution, though a courtier, and professed 
believer in Gowry's guilt, assures us, that they persisted to 
the last in denying all knowledge of any kind of conspiracy. 

Cromarty's partiality is likewise manifested in his inten- 
tionally declining to give the copy of the letter from Logan 
to Gowry as first published in Sprott's confession, seeing it 
differs so much from that, which was afterwards attempted 
to be palmed on the public, as the same letter, on Logan's 
trial. 

Cromarty did not publish his account of the conspiracy 
till 1713, more than a hundred years after it happened* 
By which time, he no doubt thought, that he might use 
some freedoms with truth, as all who witnessed any part of 
the transactions were long since dead. And that he might 
be the more certain of doing this with impunity, he takes 
great credit for the authenticity of his relation, as from his 
situation of Lord Register, he had an opportunity of draw- 
ing his information from the National Records. But we 
have already had occasion to advert to his integrity as an 
Extractor, and we shall by and by have an opportunity of 
judging what dependence can be placed in the purity of the* 
National Records of the reign of James the Sixth. 

Cromarty's family was much indebted to the Stewart 
Dynasty. James the Sixth knighted Colin, this Earl's 
grandfather, and bestowed on him a landed estate to sup- 
port the honour. Charles the First created Sir John, his 
father, a baronet. Charles the Second made himself Gene- 
ral of his Forces, a Lord of Session in 1661 ; Justice Ge- 
neral in 1678; and Lord Register in 168L At the Reya- 

M 



90 

lotion he lost the place of Lord Register, but obtained it' 
again in 1692. Queen Ann made him Secretary of State 
in 1702, and Earl of Cromarty in 1703. It was in 1713 
that he dedicated his Account of the Gowry Conspiracy to 
the Queen, and next year he died, aged 84. So many fa- 
vours received required some return. 

His son and grandson were attainted for rebellion. 

Perhaps similar causes have had no very dissimilar ef- 
fects, on more modern historians, by causing them perceive 
difficulties where there were none, and inducing them to 
substitute fanciful theories, for a very plain matter of fact. 
But rather than enlarge on this, we shall pass on to exa- 
mine the character of such of the witnesses, as we are any 
way acquainted with. And the first in order is 

Ludoviek, Duke of Lennox. Fie might have been ex- 
pected to befriend the Ruthvens, as he had married one of 
their sisters. But she had been dead some time, without 
bearing him any children, and he married again. Pos- 
sibly too, Lennox was one of that sort of men, who are 
prudent enough, not to sacrifice their own interest to their 
affection for their wives; their regard for her relations; and 
iar less to her memory after her death. He married for his 
second wife, Margaret, daughter of Sir Mathew Campbel 
of London, High Sheriff of Ayr, widow of GifYen, Master 
of Eglinton. On trial, he did not like her ; so he sent her 
away. Some few years after he accompanied the King to 
London, the poor woman followed him, expecting, no- 
doubt, that he might relent, and receive her again. But 
his Grace was now become greater than ever : so, instead 
of co-habiting with her, he packed her off for Scotland. 
On this she broke her heart, and he married Frances, 
Countess of Hartford. We hope it will not be deemed rash, 
merely to say? that perhaps he might regard Lady Sophia 
Ruthven, as little, as he did the Sheriff of Ayr's daughter. 
But, however that might have been, it appears, that upon 
the dissolution of this connection, his regard for the family, 
(if he ever had any) was extinguished, for he took a very 
active part in effecting its ruin. He did not indeed, like 
Ramsay, run any of them through the body, but he took 
care, when he left Falkland on the fifth of August, for 
Perth, to be provided with arms, in case his services this 
way had been required; and he swore to what we now 
know to have been a string of falsehoods : and* as if decency 



m 

had not been enough outraged, by his being himself both 
the criminal party, and a perjured witness in this cause, he 
sat a judge, and gave his vote, for convicting his former 
brothers-in-law of a crime, which he was conscious never 
was perpetrated. 

To account in some measure for this, we are to observe 
that he was a relation of James's. His father, Esme D' Au- 
bigny, was cousin to Lord Darnly, consequently the King 
and Lndovick were second cousins. Both he, and his fa- 
ther Esme, were great favourites of James's: he brought 
Esme from France; or rather as some supposed, the Guises 
sent him over, as they had now lost the influence, which 
they had formerly possessed in Scotland, under the Cardinal 
and Queen Regent. They therefore had recourse to this 
method of retaining their interest in the country; and their 
missionary proved himself perfectly well qualified for the 
trust reposed in him, being a person of agreeable manners, 
and pliable disposition, very capable of accommodating his, 
to the dissolute course, wmich James about this tkne began 
to follow. D'Aubigny, in conjunction with James Stewart, 
Earl of Arran, gained a complete ascendency over the 
King, who even prevailed on the Earl of Lennox, to resign 
that title into his hands, and it was then bestowed on D'Au- 
bigny, along with the rich abbacy of Arbroath, and the 
government of Dunbarton Castle, the better to enable him 
to support the new dignity. In 1581 he was made Duke o; 
Lennox. When he came first to Scotland, he was a pro- 
fessed papist, and on his being so much caressed by James, 
the Romish priests and Jesuits began again to take heart, 
and teach their doctrines openly. But the prudent part of 
the Catholics saw, that matters were not ripe for that 
change; and heavy complaints being made against the King, 
for his so great familiarity with one of that religion, it was 
thought more prudent for Lennox to join the kirk ; so he 
became a Presbyterian ; but never w T as thought sincere in 
that. At length the dissatisfaction of the country rose so 
high, that a number of the nobles seized James at Ruthven 
Castle, and banished Lennox to France. He survived this 
only a short time, dying at Paris, the following May. 
James no sooner recovered his liberty, than he sent the 
Master of Gray to France, for Lennox's children : but only 
Ludovick the eldest, came over at that time. He was then 
thirteen years of age. He arrived in November 1583. 

M 2 



92 
James's favour seemed redoubled towards this youth. Of all 
his favourites young Lennox was the greatest. The King 
iirst superintended his education, and we may suppose, did 
not fail to instil into him some of his own immoral princi- 
ples. After he grew up, James bestowed many baronies or 
estates upon him, particularly betwixt A. D. 1590 and 1600. 
He likewise appointed him Heritable Admiral of Scotland, 
The office of Lord- High- Chamberlain, which had lien 
long dormant, was revived, and bestowed on him. So much 
favour certainly deserved some return. Accordingly, the 
part which he acted on this occasion, though enormously 
wicked, was certainly meant to be of great service to the 
royal cause; as not only tending to retrieve James's character 
from the general odium attached to it, by superintending 
the murder of the two brothers, but likewise as affording 
some countenance, in that part of the tragedy, which was 
still to be acted. In 1602, Lennox was sent ambassador to 
Prance. When James succeeded in 1603 to the English 
Crown, he acquired additional means of gratifying favourites. 
Accordingly, he made Lennox Earl of Newcastle, Duke of 
Richmond, Master of the Household, first Gentleman of 
the Bedchamber, and K. G. In 1607, he was appointed 
Commissioner to the Scotch Parliament. He continued to 
enjoy James's favour till his death in 1624. 

2d. John Earl of Mar. He had been educated in Stir- 
ling castle, along with the king. They had grown up to- 
gether, and very probably, formed a mutual attachment. 
Mar was married to a sister of Lennox. In 1601, he was 
sent ambassador to queen Elibabeth, under pretence of 
congratulating her on the suppression of Essex's insurrection, 
but in reality to treat with Sir Robert Cecil for securing and 
facilitating James's accession, for which purpose they accor- 
dingly entered into terms. Mar obtained the heritable of- 
fices of Commander of Stirling Castle, Sheriff of that Shire, 
Chamberlain of Stirling, Monteith, and Brichen, and Bail- 
lie and Admiral of Forth. He got a charter of Novoda- 
•mits, erecting his extensive paternal estates, along with ma- 
ny others, which he received from the king, into a free 
Earldom, and a pension of 2000 crowns. He enjoyed at 
the same time, the offices of Lord High Treasurer; Comp- 
troller and Collector of Scotland : and, after the accession, 
James made him a Privy Counsellor, and K. G. at Wind- 
sor, in 1603. 



93 

3d. The three Erskins, Thomas, James, and George, 
were cousins German to Mar; their father, Alexander 
Erskin of Gogar, being brother to Mar the Regent, upon 
whose death he was appointed guardian of the young king 
jointly with the Countess Dowager. It is not said, what 
remuneration James or George received; but as their bro- 
ther Thomas, and even James's servant Wilson, were so 
amply rewarded, we may presume, they were not overlook- 
ed. Thomas, and very probably the other two, was brought 
up like a brother, with king James, who, we are told, was 
very fond of him, and conferred many favours on him. In 
1585 he was made Gentleman of the Bedchamber. But, this 
being an office of small emolument, upon the forfeiture of 
Gowry, Thomas had a donation of the Dirlton estate : and 
in 1603 was created Lord Dirlton. He accompanied James 
to England, and, upon the fall of Sir Walter Raleigh, he 
obtained his place of Captain of the Guard. James still 
continuing to heap favours upon him, he was made Viscount 
Fenton in 1606, Earl of Kelly, and K. G. in 1609. His 
deposition agrees, in almost every particular, with that of 
his brother-in-law, the falsity of which evidence we shall 
afterwards take occasion to demonstrate. 

4th. John Ramsay was second son of the Dalhousie Fa- 
mily, not yet ennobled. He was one of James's Pages, and 
a great favourite. He may be said to have acted a prin- 
cipal part in the tragedy. From what we can now gather 
of his character, he must have been a bloody minded per- 
jured villain. By all accounts, he stabbed Alexander Ruth- 
ven, when kept down by the king, in such a posture, that 
lie neither could hurt another, nor defend himself. And 
the Earl received his death wound, from the same hand, in 
an unguarded moment. 'Tis not unlikely that Ramsay was 
fixed on for this service, as being an unfeeling soul, in a 
robust body. But besides his brutal conduct, in being the 
immediate executioner of so enormously wicked a decree, 
his deposition at the trial evinces him to have been, in every 
respect, a villain of the deepest dye, as will afterwards be 
made to appear. 

This mean, perjured, murderous villain, in reward of 
this piece of service, received an annuity of ^1000 Ster- 
ling, a large sum in those days, and had a gift of Melrose 
Abbey, with its princely revenues, expressly for this service. 
James, likewise, in 1606, created him Viscount Haddington^ 






9-i 
smcl afterwards Earl of Holderness. To his paternal Coat 
of Arras, besides such variations as were necessary to dis- 
criminate his, from his brothers, was added a right hand 
holding a sword, peircing a man's heart, the point support- 
ing an Imperial crown; and the privelege of carrying the 
Sword of State before the Royal Family, to church, on the 
thanksgiving appointed to be annually observed on the 5th 
of August, was conferred on him, and his heirs. But his 
children vM died before himself, as did the observance of 
the thanksgiving, and at his own death his honours (if such 
his titles were) became extinct. 

5th. The Commendator of Inchaffray, was James, the 
i ccond son of David Lord Drummond. His mother hav- 
ing been a daughter of William Lord Ruthven, he was a 
near relation of Earl John; but to counterbalance that, he 
li ad been educated along with the king, and was a G entleman of 
his Bedchamber. He had got a grant of the Temporalities 
of the Abbey of Inchaffray, and the king, in gratitude for 
his conduct on the 5th. of August, and especially at the mock 
trial, erected the abbacy into a temporal Lordship, and 
rreated the Commendator Lord Madder ty, and bestowed 
;;ome other lands on him for the support of his dignity. 

It is very probable^ that there might have been some 
grudge between him and the house of Ruthven, as Alexan- 
der Ruthven of Forgan was Commendator of Inchaffray 
some years before this, when James assumed the regal au- 
thority. But be that as it will, his conduct in the forenoon 
t >f the 5th of August was very surprising, He had left Falk- 
land in the morning, to go to Inchaffray, he says, yet at 
half past eleven, the king and his companions found him 
loitering on the road at Strathmiglo on the way to Perth, 
when he instantly mounted, and made one of the par- 
ty at Gowry's, to dinner, and returned to Falkland in the 
evening. And all this without pretending to offer any rea- 
son for doing so. 

6th. The Abbot of Lindores was Patrick Leslie, .second 
?on to the Earl of Rothes. He was much in favour with 
James, who had made him one of the Gentlemen of the Bed- 
ch amber. It need scarcely be added, that James took him 
with him to Perth, on this occasion; and on the trial he 
swore point blank to every thing advanced by Lennox, with 
the addition of some other circumstances. But many a one 
will swear away a man's life, or reputation before a judge 3 



9J 

who lias not sufficient resolution, and abilities to take the 
one by force, or sully the other, when pains is taken to keep 
it bright. 'Tis not unlikely that this was the case with Lin- 
dores. We nowhere hear of him being engaged in the fray, 
but only looking at what was going on. However, even his 
countenance here, and support at the trial, deserved some 
reward ; and on this occasion, he was made Commendator 
of Lindores ; and on the 25th of December following, he 
was created Lord Lindores, the lands of that opulent Abbey 
being erected into a Temporality, in his favour. He was 
likewise appointed a Lord of Justiciary. But his male line 
failed. The honours fell to another branch of the Rothes 
family ; and are now either dormant or extinct. The lands 
are in other hands. 

7th. The evidence of John Graham of Urquhill, or Or- 
chil differs very little from some other of the witnesses. 
The most material point sworn to by him is, that when he, 
and some other of the kind's attendant** were following his 
Majesty and Alexander Ruthven up stairs, according to his 
Majesty's private instructions, in the forenoon on the way 
from Falkland ; Alexander desired them not to follow, and 
they obeyed. In another place, this sagacity of theirs will 
be taken notice of. It does not appear, what reward Or- 
chil got, for this particular service. But we know of no 
reason, why he should be passed by, in the distribution of 
the spoil, rather than some others, who were rewarded for 
services not more meritorious. 

8th. The next witness is John Graham of Balgowan, 
He deponed " conform to the Lord Duke in all things" and 
seems to have been extremely officious ; for that evening, 
before they left Perth, he produced a garter, which he pre- 
tended to have found among the Bent, or Litter, at the 
cheek of the door of the round, which (Bent or Rushes) 
served instead of a carpet in these days. On sight of the 
garter, he says King James declared it to be the identical 
one, with which Alexander Ruthven attempted to bind his 
hands. It was so easy to manage such a matter as this, that 
there seems but little superior merit, in being the agent 
But, if Balgowan's share of "the transaction displayed no 
uncommon mental abilities, he certainly made up for that, 
in some sort, by his diligence or bodily activity ; for he was 
in Edinburgh, before ten o'clock next morning, with an ac- 
count of the affair. But the pains which he took, was no 



96 
doubt meant, in the first place, for his Sovereign's benefit* 
and eventually for his own, yet he spoiled all in confirming 
the people of Edinburgh in their suspicion of James's guilt, 
by the difference they observed betwixt his own account and 
the others which were transmitted that same day. We 
know not what reward Balgowan received. We are not so 
much as informed if he received any. Perhaps, as his ser- 
vices were but trivial, and in one instance prejudicial, he 
might not be thought deserving of any. This we know, 
that several estates, once belonging to the Ruthven family, 
were lately attached to the estate of Balgowan. 

9th. The deposition of Mr John. Moncrieff of Piten- 
crieffi bother to William Moncrieff of that ilk, is the next 
on record. But his declaration consists of arguments not 
evidence. Instead of a witness, he turned advocate for the 
crown. And no wonder, for he was in a sad predicament. 
He was afraid of being reckoned a friend and accomplice 
of Gowrie's, as he dined with him on that very day in which 
it was given out that he made the attempt to murder the 
king ; and his brother Hugh was fugitate for not submit- 
ting to trial as being concerned in the Treason, consequent- 
ly the part which he had to act required great circumspec- 
tion. And when the day of trial came he took his ground 
decisively. He foresaw the folly of endeavouring to pur- 
suade the court of Gowrie's, and of course of his own in- 
nocence. Instead of that, he musters all the arguments 
lie could think of, in support of the charge against the two 
brothers ; and in particular^ relates that, in a conversation 
which he had with his brother Hugh, Hugh declared, that 
he was convinced of the guilt of the Ruthvens. Whether Pit- 
encrieffthen thought this a masterly contrivance or not, can- 
not now be known; but at this time it is easily seen through : 
and indeed it evidently had not all the effect on the court 
which he wished, as Hugh was convicted of treason, and 
only escaped execution by flight. 

10th. A declaration emitted at, and transmitted from 
Perth, by Andrew Roy or Ray, one of the magistrates of 
that town, is next inserted in the record. In our days this 
would be disregarded as extra-judicial, being made forty 
miles from the place of trial, and some weeks before the 
court had existence, but perhaps was regular enough in die 
end of the sixteenth century, when parties were allowed to 
be also witnesses and judges. Mr Roy being a magistrate, was 



97 

qualified to administer an oath. Accordingly, lie makes af- 
fidavit before himself that, inter alia, on the fifth of Au- 
gust, he saw the King put his head and arm forth of the 
window of the turret and cry murder ! treason ! help Earl 
of Mar. On which the deponent was so panick-struck, 
that instead of assisting the King, he ran- through the 
streets calling on the townsmen to go and relieve him ; and 
caused ring the bell, as if the town had been on fire ; and 
that, by these means, he succeeded in collecting a mob at the 
gate of the palace, as Go wry 's house was commonly called: 
and that the deponent, on finding the populace riotous, and 
likely to go to extremities, was commanded by His Majesty, 
to order them to disperse, and that he afterwards went to 
the market place, and by proclamation, commanded them 
to retire, each to his own lodging, under pain of treason. 
Mr Roy took care to authenticate this, as his evidence, 
for he procured the signature of Galloway the Chaplain, of 
the other three present, and one old baillie, of a clerk, 
perhaps a notary public, and of three burgesses, as witnesses, 
that this was his deposition. But, notwithstanding of all 
his punctilious observance of the lesser matters of the law, 
Roy's evidence will be found to affect the two brothers no 
farther than by proving, that the King and Alexander 
went out of the dining parlour together : and that Gowry 
told the lords, that the King had taken horse, and was a- 
way. The real case seems to be this, The assassins thought 
it would be necessary to impress the minds of the people of 
the town, with a belief of Gowry's treason, before they 
could come to the knowledge of the real state of the matter, 
and baillie Roy was the tool pitched on, for this purpose. 
We are not told whether the baillie ever got any recom- 
pense for this service. There were th^n but few places in 
the gift of the crown, compared with the number in the pre- 
sent time. We are told indeed that the office of a fool was an 
appendage to the royal establishment of those days ; and as 
Andrew, if we may form a judgment of his character, from 
his own account of his behaviour on this occasion, was e- 
minently well qualified for this place, perhaps he might 
obtain it. We are inclined to indulge in this conjecture 
the rather, that James seems to have been so much in want 
of a fool at times that we often find himself performing the 
duties of the office, 

N 



98 

11th. The evidence of Robert Christie, the porter, fol- 
lows next. It is principally designed for supporting these 
two parts of the story, viz. that in which Gowry is repre- 
sented as endeavouring to get rid of the courtiers, by de- 
claring, that the King was away home; and the other, where 
it is said that the Earl, accompanied by the two Ruthvens 
of Freeland, Eviot and Moncrieff, brothers to the proprie- 
tors of Balhousie and Moncrieff and his own servant 
Cranston, went altogether, armed, up to the apartment 
where the bustle was. And to both circumstances he swears 
in the most unqualified manner. 

This Witness's deposition is liable to great suspicion: 
therefore, a remarkable artifice is resorted to, in support 
of it. Lennox had sworn, that he saw a joist brought by 
some persons into the court ; Christie, without whose know- 
ledge it could not have been brought in, saw nothing of it. 
As much is meant by this, as if it had been said, " See this 
man's integrity, he'll not swear a falsehood to support any 
man's evidence." If he was instructed what to depone, 
why was he not directed to swear to the joist, as well as to 
other circumstances ? But an answer is at hand to this 
question. The joist's being brought in was a matter of no 
consequence whatever : the rest of his evidence was of the 
utmost importance in the cause. 

Christie had only been a few weeks in Gowry's service, 
and seems not to have been much attached to his interest. 
And as the plot required, that the Earl should try to per- 
suade James's followers that he was off to Falkland, and as 
that part of the tragedy could not properly be performed 
without the porter acting a part in it, it was necessary to 
bribe Christie into compliance. What the extent of his re- 
ward was, we pretend not to know ; but one thing is on re- 
cord, David Murray continued him in his employ : no tri- 
vial consideration in the then state of Society. 

12th. Blair, younger of Balthayock, depones next. He 
does not pretend to have seen Gowry and his armed at- 
tendants pass up the stairs, but he saw the two brothers of 
Forgan and Flugh Moncrieff, all armed, come down, which 
certainly implied, that they had gone up. He likewise saw 
the joist brought into the court, and set up against the wall. 
So that in this deposition, we still have a semblance of im- 
partiality. Balthayock was appointed provost of Perth, on 
the death of Gowry, till the ensuing election at Michael- 



99 

mas) and then, by a fresh order, he was appointed to con* 
tinue, for the following year. 

13th. Prior Hay is next examined. He depones, that 
having occasion to be in the Earl's house, on the 5th of 
August, he saw Henderson arrive from Falkland ; and that 
after the Earl had spoken with Henderson, he (the Earl) 
told Hay, that he had not leisure to transact business with 
him that day. He likewise confirms Lennox's evidence in 
every thing, after their arrival at Perth. 

This witness was George Hay of Netherlief, second son 
of Sir Patrick Hay of Megginch, baillie of Errol, a branch 
of the family of Errol. He was bred at Doway, under his 
uncle Edmund Hay, a Jesuit, and professor of law, a pesti- 
ferous emissary, who was repeatedly sent out of Scotland, on 
account of his endeavours to disseminate what were then per- 
nicious tenents ; he having, besides seducing the Errol fa- 
mily, endeavoured to stir up the English Papists to effect 
a rising, so as to favour the Spanish invasion in 1588, for 
which, he was also imprisoned in the tower of London. 
George returned to Scotland, when about twenty-two years 
of age ; at which time, James began to heap favours upon 
him. He was at first a gentleman pensioner; then gentle- 
man of the Bedchamber. In 1598, the king bestowed on 
him the Carthusian Priory of Perth, the church of Errol,. 
and a vote in parliament, or peerage. But the revenues 
of this once opulent monastery having been much dilapi- 
dated by Prior Foreman at the Reformation, Hay found 
them inadequate to support the dignity of a Lord : and 
therefore he returned that honour to the king. 

We are told that Hay had but a small share of learn- 
ing ; but a great deal of address and duplicity. As he was 
well inclined towards Popery, he had the interest of thai: 
faction at court : which circumstance tended also not a little 
to ingratiate him with James and Charles I. Accordingly 
he was made Clerk-register in 1616, Chancellor, in 1622, 
Viscount Dupplin, and Lord Hay of Kinfauns in 1627 ? 
and Earl of Kinnoul in 1633, and had a lease of the duties of 
the Earldom of Orkney for 40,000 marks. All this time, 
he took care not to receive a name et prceteria nihil. He 
had the address to realize a large fortune, considering his 
small beginning. Dupplin, Aberdalgy, Kinnoul, Kinfauns, 
Seggieden, Dunineld, and several other baronies were either 
purchased by him, or granted to him. His heirs male be- 

N 2 



100 

came extinct in 1709, and his honours and estate fell ttf 
Thomas Hay of Balhoiisie, descended of Patrick, the fol- 
lowing witness, and his elder brother. 

Little credit is due to the testimony of one who was both 
a lawyer, a Jesuit, and a retainer in the court of James VI. 
in this cause, seeing the Ruthven family were the chief of 
the opposite party in Scotland, at that time. 

14th His brother Peter confirmed his deposition "in 
all things." 

1 5th. The next witness is Robert Graham of Thorink. 
He seems not to have been at Falkland, as he simply con- 
firms Lennox's deposition, as far as it relates to what hap- 
pened at Perth. 

1 6th. Oliver Young, one of the magistrates of Perth, h 
next brought forward. This witness was in Gowry's house 
that day, perhaps under the same pretence with baillie Roy, 
namely, to see the king. 'Tis probable they were desired 
to be in the way, in case of any disturbance taking place : 
for it is not likely, that the magistrates of the second city 
in the kingdom, were so idle as to enter Gowry's house, 
merely to stare at the king eating his dinner, especially as 
he had dined in that same house an hundred times before. 
This witness saw the king and Alexander pass up the stairs, 
and afterwards, saw Hugh Moncrieff and Hary Ruthven, 
the one with a bloody face, the other armed, as if they had 
been at the fight. 

This witness was continued oldest baillie, (chief resident 
magistrate) for several successive j-ears, after this : the first 
of which was by direction of the king. 

17th. James Drummond of Pitcairns* is the next wit- 
ness. His evidence is of little consequence. 

18th. William Rynd the butcher, then depones, that 
he saw Eviot and Moncrieff in the court, both bloody, and 
having drawn swords in their hands. 

19th. A burgher of the town is next brought forward, 
to the two foregoing depositions. 

20th. Wilson, servant to James Erskin, then appears* 
He confirms Alexander Erskin's evidence. This was one 
of the four who passed up the back stair, and was present 
at the death of both the brothers. What other reward he 
got, we know not ; but we are told, that the king, on this 
occasion, made him a gentleman ; which, considering the 
quality of the raw material, was certainly a masterly per- 



101 

formance. The metamorphosing of a cut-throat scoundrel 
into a gentleman, is indeed one of the artes jper^ditce. 

The king may make a belted knight 

A marquis, duke and a' that ; 
An honest man's aboon his might ; 

Guid faith he manna fa' that. 

21st. David Rynd, another butcher, saw Alexander 
Ruthven of Forgan in the tumult. 

22d. Gilbert Hutcheson confirms this. Of these twa 
we know nothing. 

23d. John Murray of Arkney, is next. Probably he is 
the John Murray, servant to Tullibardine, who was wound- 
ed. He says, he came to St Johnston after dinner ; but it 
was not long after dinner-time, as he says he heard the king 
call from the window for help ; and saw Earl Gowry in the 
close with a helmet and two swords. This witness was of 
an athletic form of body, and very possibly was sent by 
the Murrays, to assist in case of need, for it does not ap- 
pear that he had any other business in Gowry's court, 
where he was before the disturbance arose. 

24-th. Thomas Birrel's evidence only corroborates that 
of some others, and seems particularly levelled at the For- 
gan family, Hugh MoncriefF, and Thomas Cranston. 

25th. Forrest, a tradesman in Perth, is next examined. 
He only says, that he saw George Craigengelt and another 
servant in the court, with drawn swords. 

26th. Robertson the notary is then examined. He says, 
that on seeing Gowry standing in the court, with his hel- 
met on his head, and a drawn sword in each hand, accom- 
panied by seven or eight other persons, all unknown to 
him, and it appears all unarmed, he was so frightened that 
he run off. 

27th — 30th. The four following witnesses are James's 
domestics. One of them porter, another keeper of the ale- 
cellar, none of which would, in all liklihood, have followed 
the king to Perth, on an ordinary occasion ; but very pro- 
bably were desperadoes, selected for this particular pur- 
pose, but whose personal assistance was not needed, as the 
brothers being taken unprepared made but little resistance. 
All the four swear point blank to every thing that Lennox 
had said. 

31st. One Peebles, another inhabitant of Perth, is the 



last witness examined. He relates, that he was in his own 
house opposite to Gowry's, when the bell rang; and that 
his mother then locked him in. He, however, saw Gowry 
enter the court with the two swords, and saw Alexander 
Ruthven, Patrick Eviot, and his servant, and Hugh Mon- 
crieff come from the house. 

Such a set of witnesses was well calculated for the pur- 
pose in hand ; and it is far from improbable, that the ma- 
jority of the judges, (by which is meant the Lords of the 
Articles, as they were in effect the sole judges) would be of 
the like stamp. We know for certain, that Montrose the 
chancellor, (though once married to a sister of Gowry's) 
was considered by the Ruthven family as their enemy : for 
when the Countess was told, that the attempt to seize the 
two younger brothers the next evening, after the death of 
the two elder ones, was with the design of committing them 
to the chancellor's charge, she exclaimed, Ah ! false traitor, 
shall my bairns be put into his clutches ? Lennox and Mar, 
other two of the Lords of the Articles, were parties in the 
cause ; and had Gowry and his brother been brought in, 
not Guilty, these ought to have been hanged, as accom- 
plices in their murder. Several others of the Lords, as 
Errol and Marrischal were professed Papists ; and the six 
church dignitaries could not be supposed friendly to the 
cause of Presbytery, nor to any who took so decided a part 
in supporting it as the Ruthven family, especially Earl 
John, did. # 

But of all the ruffians, who were concerned in this dia- 
bolical transaction, by much the most redoubtable was King 
James the VI. Although it was the fortune of this wretch 
to reign over several millions of his fellow creatures, yet a 
character so shamefully base, and enormously wicked, is 
seldom called to act on the stage of life. His mean grovel- 
ling nature manifested itself on a thousand occasions, but 
on none more strikingly, than in his submitting to be the 
pensioner of Queen Elizabeth, rather than assume the re- 
solution of shaking off his childish attachment to favourites, 
whose necessities he accommodated, whose extravagance he 
supported, and whose avarice he gratified, with a profusion 
unparalleled, in so poor a prince. And when the pension, 
and his proper income, were together inadequate to his ex- 
penditure, he scrupled not to murder, to rob and to beg. 



103 

to make up the deficiency,* the clamant demands of pover- 
ty being unrestrained by any proper sense of the dignity of 
his station. 

" The needy man, — - — 

Is he, whom tempting fiends would pitch upon, 
To do such deeds, as make the prosperous men 
Lift up their hands, and wonder who could do them. 
And such a man was" James. 

The Gowry estate was divided amongst James's court- 
iers, and although few or none in the kingdom were equal 
to it in value, it was insufficient for their wants, as England 
felt to her cost, upon his accession to that throne, two or 
three years afterwards. 

Dissimulation and hypocrisy are qualifications very re- 
quisite in a villain ; and James possessed both in an eminent 
degree. It is now known, that his domestic character was 
one of the most vicious, and disgraceful, that can possibly 
be conceived ; and yet in public, he occasionally made great 
outward show of religion : for however he shifted from one 
system of polemics to another, just as he thought most suit- 
able for his purpose, his profession of piety shone forth on eve- 
ry proper occasion, and even sometimes on improper ones, e.g. 
His falling down on his knees, and formally thanking God 
for his deliverance, along with his attendants, so soon as he 
had dispatched Gowry and his brother, without taking the 
precaution, of securing themselves from the other conspi- 
rators, who, if Gowry was a traitor, they had reason to 

* It was not uncommon for James to write to some of his own subjects, 
in a stile something betwixt the demand of a robber and the supplication of a 
beggar, requesting such trifles as a pair of fowls, if he meant to make a feast, 
or the loan of a pair of breeches if he wished to appear finer than the state of 
his wardrobe enabled him to be. 

In a letter from Sir Ralph Sadler to Queen Elizabeth, at the time he had 
the custody of Mary Queen of Scots, he says " she (Mary), speaking of James, 
sayeth — his (James VI.) means are so poore (and the worse for these needy 
folkes about him) as he hath oft sent to her for money to buy himself clothes 
and apparel for his pages and lackeys which she hath caused to be furnished 
out of hers out of France, when she could evil spare it. And that the 
6ood crowns which he lately got from the Duke of Guise, whereof she 
thinketh this young gentleman (Gray) hath had the most part himself, to set 
himself forth in so good show, seemeth to give a good countenance to the 
matter." Sadler's State Pa$eru 

And even after he had been a dozen of years on the English throne, he 
paid the city of Edinburgh 20,oco marks, as a composition for 59,000, be- 
sides interest, which had been owing a number of years. — Matt. Ed'in. Thus 
this ignominious soul, the sovereign of three kingdoms, rendered himself 
bankrupt for less than four thousand pounds. 



104 

suppose, were in waiting. James seems to have even piqued 
himself on his being an adept in dissimulation : for it is said 
to have been a maxim of his, That he that knew not how to 
dissemble, knew not how to reign. Theory which he constant- 
ly practised, For whenever he found himself any way gra- 
velled by his incapacity for his office, (which* God knows, 
was often enough), he always had recourse to some base 
trick or other for extricating himself. When detected in a 
correspondence with the Pope, for the purpose of renewing 
the connection of these kingdoms with the see of Rome, 
James pretended ignorance of the transaction, accounting 
for it by asserting that Elphinstone his secretary had sur- 
reptitiously procured his (the king's) signature to the letter. 
He even prevailed on that Sycophant to acknowledge the 
fact, and submit to a trial for the treason. The issue of all 
which was, that he was condemned and forfeited, but, after 
a short imprisonment, was pardoned, and ennobled. 

Again, jealousy of the " Bonny Earl of Moray" induced 
James to have him taken out of the way. That enterprise 
was committed to the Earl of Huntly ; who executed it in 
a very satisfactory manner, by burning Moray's house pf 
Dunnibirslc, and butchering himself and some of his friends 
in their attempt to escape. Huntly then stopped in Inver- 
keithing, and dispatched one of his relations, Gordon of 
Bucky, to James with an account of their success : but to 
:.ave appearances, it was thought proper for him to pass to 
the north country, as if to elude justice : and still the better 
to blind the world, a relation of Huntly's, one captain Gor- 
don, being wounded in the scuffle, and so unable to escape, 
was hanged next day. But all to no purpose. Every bo- 
dy saw through the whole of it. And so great was the pub- 
lic discontent and clamour, that James thought prudent to 
remove his court to Glasgow, till such time as the fer- 
ment should subside ; and directed Huntly to enter into con- 
iincment in Blackness Castle : whence he was liberated in a 
few days on bail. Moray's friends did every thing in their 
power to have Huntly brought to justice, and becoming at 
length exasperated by such bare-faced collusion, they re- 
solved to do what in those days was reckoned justice to 
themselves ; they made inroads into Huntly's estates, burn- 
ing and carrying off the moveables and slaying his vassals. 
He did not fail to retaliate. But the Earl of Angus went 
north and quelled these disturbances. The Kirk excom- 



105 

■communicated Huntly for the murder at Dumiibirsle, but 
no account of the matter was ever exacted by the civil power. 
And Huntly boasted that James durst not push him on that 
affair, as he had his warrant, for what he did, in his pocket 
securing him from punishment, which was certainly no way 
improbable, if we consider, that in 1596 his majesty, to bar 
accidents, gave him a formal pardon, and in 1598 created 
him Marquis. 

James's hypocrisy, and mean dissimulation appear very 
strikingly, in his religious professions; as he adhered 
sometimes to one opinion, sometimes to another ; and these 
of principles quite different. In the General Assembly of 
the Kirk of Scotland held at Edinburgh, August 4th, 1590, 
he rose, and, with bare head, uplifted hands, and eyes direct- 
ed towards heaven, thanked God that " He was born in 
a time when the light of God's word shone clearly forth, ec- 
lipsed neither with the mists of ignorance nor the false lights 
of superstition ;" and " blessed God that he had honoured 
him to be the king over such a Kirk, the sincerest Kirk in the 
world." — " The service of our neighbouring Kirk of Eng- 
land is but an ill said Mass in English. They want nothing 
of the Mass but the Liftings. I charge you, my good mi- 
nisters, doctors, elders, and nobles, stand to your purity > 
and exhort the people to do the same. And I, forsooth, so 
long as life and crown be left me, shall maintain the same 
against all deadly." And on different occasions he used si- 
milar language. 

But in his advice to his son Henry, and on other occa- 
sions after he ascended the English Throne, when he dared 
avow his thoughts, he used very different, and very unbe- 
coming language towards the Puritans. And in answer to 
Bellarmine, (who, judging from his behaviour whilst only 
King of Scotland) had charged him with being a Puritan, 
he said, " I wonder with what brazen face this Answerer 

(Bellarmine) could say that I was a Puritan. 1 that, in 

my book to my son, speak ten times more bitterly of them 
than of Papists; having affixed to my second edition, a long 
Apologetic Preface, in odium Puritanorum." And no 
sooner was he seated on the English Throne, than he takes 
occasion to inform the people of that country, that his o- 
pinion differed widely from what he once professed. For 
on the first day of his first Parliament in England, in his 
speech from the throne, he told them that the sect of the 

O 



106 

Puritans was not to be suffered in any well-governed Com- 
monwealth: and that the Church of Rome was our Mo- 
ther Church, although defiled with some corruptions : that 
he would be content to meet those of the Roman Church 
mid-way: and wished from his heart, that it would please 
God, to make him one of the Instruments of such a General 
Union of Religion. 

In confirmation of all this, in a few years he introduced 
the doctrine and ceremonies of the English Church into 
Scotland, after a violent struggle, in which numbers of his 
subjects were ruined and forced into exile. But there is 
good ground for supposing that this was only a preparatory 
step to the introduction of the Romish Religion, as we know, 
that he once and again made advances to the Pope for that 
purpose: once through the medium of Secretary Elphinston, 
when he offered to become Catholic, and desired His Holi- 
ness to create some Scotchman a Cardinal, that business 
might be transacted betwixt them with the greater facility : 
again, by Lord Ogilby, making a similar application*. 

Occasionally too, he shifted from Calvinism to Armini- 
anism. On one of these occasions, he declared Arminius 
" a seditious and heretical preacher, — and an enemy to 
God ;" and even prevailed on the States General to perse- 
cute the Arminiatik, Yet he afterwards tells the States, that 
it did not appear to him (James) that Arminius's arguments 
were inconsistent with the Christian faith. And in 1622, 
the Bishops of England were required to see that no preacher 
do henceforth presume to preach of predestination, election, 
reprobation, and like Calvinistical doctrines. And several 
professed Arminians, as Laud, Cobet, and Howson, were 
made bishops by him. 

Cruelty and revenge formed another very prominent fea- 
ture in James's character. Many shocking instances of 
which are handed down to us : one or two of which will be 
sufficient for specimens. 

In 1598, an Englishman, of the name of Valentine 
Thomas, had traduced James's character, by alleging that 
he designed to destroy Queen Elizabeth. As Thomas 
was not then his subject, James was under the necessity of 
bearino- the afront unrevenged, till he should become King 
of England. But a month did not elapse after that event 
before he had the man hanged. 

f Winwood's State Papers. 



107 

Some years after James ascended the English Throne, 
the people of that nation complained much*, of their coun- 
try being over-run with James's followers ; who were often 
appointed to offices, for the discharge of the duties of which 
they were incapable, and of whose emoluments they were 
Unworthy. In 1618, a Mr Thomas Ross wrote and affixed 
to the door of St Mary's, Oxford, a paper reflecting on the 
Scotch, (although himself a Scotchman) asserting, that they 
should all be sent from court, except the King, his children, 
and a few others. For this, Ross was indicted. He owned 
the fact; but alleged, that he did it in a frolic, for which 
he was sorry ; and, agreeable to a practice of these times, 
put himself in the King's will. James, by a special warrant, 
caused first his hand and then his head to be struck off, and 
the one to be fixed on the Netherbow and the other on the 
West-port of Edinburgh. 

One of the town-officers of Edinburgh having poinded 
(distrained in English law) some furniture, carried it, agree- 
able to law, to the cross to be apprised. The gallows stood 
at the cross, and being in these days much used, was never 
taken down. Among the poinded goods, were two pictures, 
one of James, the other of Queen Ann. The officer, whilst 
going on with the business, happened, for conveniency, to 
hang these on nails which Were in the uprights of the gal- 
lows. James got notice of this indignity done to the Lord's 
Anointed, on which he caused the officer be hanged. 

James gave another strong instance of inhumanity in 
his treatment of William Earl of Gowry. The Earl had 
been pardoned for the share he had in the Raid of Ruthven. 
But James afterwards ordered him into exile in a summary 
manner; and upon Gowry's hesitating to obey, he was seized 
and tried as a traitor* in such a manner, as set all decency 
at defiance. Mr John Graham, a most unconscionable vil- 
lain, acted as Justice-General. James Edmonstone of Dun- 
treath was one of his assessors, a wretch, who afterwards 
swore away the lives of two gentlemen, his acquaintances : 
and Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar was another, to whom 
the Earl objected on account of his relation to some of his 

J 02 

* No fewer than four Acts of Parliament were passed in the reign of James? 
VI. for punishing those who " slandered the King" and " his progenitors," 
with " death and confiscation." Hutchinson's Justice, book ii. chap. i. No 
bad indication of the estimation in which his " Majesty's sanctified person" 
(See Dedication to the Bible) and government was held by his loving subjects 



108 

enemies: but that objection was repelled, and thereby a 
majority of the bench secured, in favour of government. 
No less attention was paid to have a Jury packed. Arran 
himself made one, and is said to have promised his colleagues 
a share of the prey, on their assisting to run down Gowry*. 
Accordingly his pardon was reversed, and he was found 
guilty of treason. He wrote to the King, craving a respite, 
and declaring that he had no intention of injuring his Ma- 
jesty, either in person or government, but only wished to 
secure his own affairs from ruin. The only answer he re- 
ceived was to be carried out to the street of Stirling that 
same afternoon in which he was tried, May 2, 1584, and 
there beheaded. James was then only eighteen years of age, 
a time of life, when the generous feelings are supposed to 
have most influence on the actions. 

In 1584, David Home of Argathy, and Patrick his bro- 
ther, were condemned and hanged for a similar offence, viz, 
corresponding with the banished Lords. Spottiswood says, 
that only one or two letters were exchanged with the Com- 
mendator of Dryburgh, then in Ireland, relative to some 
private accounts, unsettled at the time of the commendator's 
leaving the country. But that proved sufficient. 

The tragical deaths of two respectable gentlemen, Messrs. 
John Cunningham of Drumquhasil, and Malcolm Douglas 
of Mains ; in which James's cunning makes a conspicuous 
figure, being only equalled by his cruelty; is one of the most 
hellish transactions we have on record. 

These two gentlemen were very obnoxious to the King 
and his minions, because of their opposition to the oppres- 
sions and cruelties exercised by the then government. As 
it was found impracticable to bias their resolute and inde- 
pendent minds, it became necessary to get rid of them one 
way or other, especially as they were gentlemen of some 
consideration. To effectuate that, the following method 
was adopted. One Robert Hamilton of Inchmahan was- 
pitched on to accuse them of having conspired to intercept 
the King whilst hunting, and either kill him presently, or 
carry him to the Merse, or some one of the Western Islands,, 
and detain him in some strong-hold there, till those noble- 

* The Master of Oliphant was another, between whom and Lord Ruthven,. 
a quarrel had taken place a year before, in which some blood was shed. Both 
Parties were charged to appear before the King and Council. It does not ap- 
pear that matters were made up betwixt them at Gowry's death. 



109 

men in exile for the Raid of Ruthven might come home and 
receive him. A James Edmonstone of Duntreath was like- 
wise prevailed on to take a share of the guilt, and confess 
that he had received letters from Angus and the other re- 
fugees, instigating him to take a principal concern in the 
plot: and that he engaged Douglas and Cunningham in the 
enterprize. This declaration he made in a judicial manner, 
stating the times and places of their meetings, upon privately 
receiving promise of pardon. The other two denied all 
knowledge of any such transaction; Mains in particular 
made a very able defence, dwelling particularly upon the 
improbability that any but madmen would make such an 
attempt, without some other means than they possessed : in- 
somuch that Spottiswood says, all present were satisfied of 
the falsity of the accusation. But it was all to no purpose- 
All the three were condemned, and Mains and Drumquhasil 
hanged next day, Feb. 10, 1584, on the street of Edinburgh* 
Duntreath was pardoned. A favour which he deserved but 
ill, for when Arran's party lost the power, next year, he 
owned that, as far as he knew, there was no foundation for 
any thing that he had sworn against the two gentlemen ; but 
that the whole was a fabrication given him by the King's 
servants, and to which he swore to please His Majesty. 

The least of these instances is more than sufficient to e- 
stablish the treacherous disposition of James. Many more 
might be adduced, among which, his treatment of Sir Wal- 
ter Raleigh is not the least remarkable : but we forbear to 
enlarge farther on this point. 

Another remarkable trait in James's character, and one 
which occasioned himself and his subjects much trouble in 
his lifetime, and which cost his son his life, and at last 
brought the house of Stewart to ruin, was his high notions 
of regal power, and extravagant respect for the office. In 
his advice to Prince Henry, he says, " Kings are account- 
able to God only." And in another performance, The Trew 
Law of Monarchy, he informs us, that " the King is above 
the law, and he is not bound thereto but of his good-will, 
and for good example giving to his subjects." We have 
already shewn that James did not fail to put this doctrine 
into practice. 

Biographers have assured us, and late discoveries have 
demonstrated the truth of it, that his private character was 
even disgraceful to human nature, but as that is a poiFt 



110 

which is rather foreign to our purpose, we forbear to say 
more on that subject, than merely to observe, that if true 
it shews, that religion could have no restraint on his con- 
duct. And indeed any further detail of the abhorrent traits 
of James's character would be superfluous : as every candid 
mind will admit, that the foregoing sufficiently indicate him 
to have been capable of the grossest enormities. The man 
who is destitute of religion, probity, and humanity, wants 
only personal courage to fit him for an assassin. James 
was to be sure deficient in that, but " money answereth all 
things :" and we find that he kept about him needy despe- 
radoes, ready to engage in any, even the most hellish en- 
terprize, for hire. 



We are now, in the fifth and last place, to endeavour 
to discover, which of the four theories that have been pro- 
posed, for solving this difficulty, is the most probable. 

The first to be taken notice of may be said to be Prin- 
cipal Robertson's. 

It supposes a plot concerted betwixt Queen Elizabeth of 
England, and the Earl of Gowry, for seizing King James's: 
person, and delivering him up to her, that he might be 
wholly under her controul; and that Gowry invited the 
King to his house at Perth on the fifth of August, 1600, for 
this purpose. 

In support of this, we are told that, during the Earl's 
residence in Paris, on his way home from Italy, he had 
contracted an intimacy with Sir Henry Neville, Queen E- 
Jizabeth's ambassador at that court. And that, on his return 
to England, she herself paid him great respect. " She" 
continues the same author " had formerly kept him (King 
James) in dependence, sometimes by soothing himself with 
promises, sometimes by bribing his ministers or favourites, 
sometimes by encouraging and assisting the clergy in their 
seditious practices, or the turbulent barons in their ambi- 
tious and factious schemes; but qf late, James had inclined 
to court the good will of the Catholic Princes on the conti- 
nent, and had entered into secret negotiations with some of 
Elizabeth's English subjects, for the purpose of more cer- 
tainly securing his succession to her throne, at her death. 

To guard herself against the ill effects of these intrigues, 



Ill 

she became desirous of having possession of James's person. 
And for this purpose, entered into a combination with Gow- 
ry, on his return home. He, we are told, was the fittest 
of all the Scotch nobles for this purpose, being opulent, 
powerful, and popular; and descended of ancestors attached 
to the English interest. We are further informed that, a- 
bout the same time, a strange vessel was observed hovering 
off the mouth of the Forth, it is presumed, for the purpose 
of receiving James on board, whenever Gowry could appre* 
hend him. 

But this hypothesis is combated by very powerful objec- 
tions. Gowry's opulence, power, or popularity could little 
avail him in the present instance ; as it was proved, as fully 
as a negative proposition can be proved, that, excepting his 
brother, he had not a single accomplice. Neither are we 
told who the person was who saw the cruizer. Besides 
these, Perth is fifteen miles farther off, in a straight line 
from the mouth of the Forth, than Falkland. Gowry's 
house stood in a populous town, which at that time, was 
surrounded by a high wall with gates : and supposing that 
James had by some means been carried prisoner without 
the walls of Perth, with the view of being put aboard a vessel 
in the Forth, there must have been in waiting, either a 
sufficient escort of horsemen, to hurry him to the coast 
merely by speed, or an army of several thousand armed men, 
who were able to resist the country, through which he had 
to pass, (a district at that time by far the most populous of 
any in Scotland), and the distance not less than forty miles. 
But notwithstanding that every endeavour was made to 
procure all possible information of this nature, not a single 
person, either on foot or horseback, was ever heard of a* 
being aDotted to this purpose. 

Indeed, had Gowry designed to ship James aboard a 
vessel, in the mouth of the Forth, a much easier way would 
have been to have seized him in Falkland wood, as he hunt- 
ed with a few attendants. He would then have had fifteen 
miles less flight, consequently a proportionably less danger 
of rescue ; and the risque of being entrapped, together with 
his prisoner, within a walled town, would have been alto- 
gether avoided. 

These are arguments against the feasability of the Earl's 
taking this method of seizing the Royal Person. There are 



112 

others, and these very powerful ones, against the probability 
of Elizabeth taking any share in it. 

Want of discernment formed no part of the character of 
Elziabeth, or her ministers. The most profound policy al- 
ways directed their councils. But her detaining the Scot- 
tish King a prisoner, must have formed an exception to this 
rule. Scotland was by much the weaker kingdom of the two. 
James, although at large, was therefore unable to seize her 
kingdom by force. He was always extremely cautious of 
giving her offence, even suffering her to murder his mother, 
without doing more than expressing his resentment in words. 
As to his connecting himself with the continental powers ; 
his principal object in that, was of a piece with the rest of 
his conduct. He did it with the design of facilitating his 
succession to the throne of England, whenever it should be- 
come vacant. If, however, she had procured him to be 
seized, and had detained him prisoner, circumstances would 
have been much altered. By bribery she might have secur- 
ed the consent of a few of his subjects, but the far greater 
part would have become her enemies ; and perhaps might 
have taken some desperate course to rescue their king. 
James himself, spiritless as he confessedly was, would cer- 
tainly have considered this, both an injury and an indigni- 
ty. As he was neither her open enemy, nor her subject, 
he would have been justifiable in taking every step to procure 
his liberty, even although at the expense of her life. She 
lately had experienced, too, how impossible it is to prevent 
plots and conspiracies in favour of a dethroned Sovereign, 
as for a number of years, she had led a life of anxiety and 
inquietude, on account of the attempts in favour of James's 
mother, whilst in prison, notwithstanding all the vigilance 
of Mary's keepers, and the precaution ofEJjzabeth's minis- 
ters. But above all, what could have been the intention of 
the English ministers, in thus irritating James, at a time 
when he was shortly to become their master. They were 
men of first rate abilities, and of unbounded ambition. 
Elizabeth was now in her sixty eighth year. Bodily infir- 
mities, added to mental disquietude, were fast undermining 
her constitution. Supposing they had advised her to con- 
tine James, a year or two would set him at liberty, and then, 
they might well expect, that, like an enraged wikl beast, 
when unchained, Jie would tear those in pieces, who had 
kept him under restraint. But they were too cautious to run 



such risques. In fact, we now know, that long before this* 
they were endeavouring to gain his good will. Although 
they despised the man, they prudently wished to be on good 
terms with the king. Cecil, without whose knowledge Eli- 
zabeth engaged in no momentous enterprise, entered into 
a correspondence with James towards the end of her reign. 
Like a true courtier resolving that whoever should be sove- 
reign, he would be minister. Sir Walter Raleigh, indeed, 
when he saw the Queen drawing towards her end, proposed, 
that whoever should succeed to her throne* should be laid un- 
der some restraint, not unlike the Claim of Plights at the 
Revolution. But Cecil objected to this, well aware how 
disagreeable such a law would be to James ; and Raleigh 
reaped the fruits of his Patriotism, when James mounted 
the throne of England. 

No letters, nor written documents of any kind have ever 
been heard ot) hinting even in the most distant manner at 
any such conspiracy as this, although the Public Reposito- 
ries of England have been again and again explored by men 
of all opinions. And, although the great men about James's 
court were continually worrying one another with the view 
of gaining his favour, yet none of them were ever known 
to accuse another, of having a concern in any such matter. 

These considerations render it extremely improbable, 
that there was any such plot in existence, or contemplation, 
as the seizure of King James, and the conveying him to 
London. 



The next system which we are to discuss was published 
some few years ago by Mr Pinkerton in an appendix to the 
first volume of Laing's History of Scotland, 1st Edit. 

According to this, the Earl of Gowry was entirely inno- 
cent and ignorant of every kind of conspiracy against his 
sovereign. But James's Queen, Ann of Denmark, having 
an intrigue with Alexander Ruthven, and detesting her 
husband's person, the two lovers entered into a conspiracy 
against the king, and Alexander engaged either to murder 
or imprison him. But owing to the agitation of mind oc- 
casioned by having so momentous a concern on hand, he 
became insane at the critical period, mismanaged the busi- 
ness, and lost his life in the attempt. The Earl coming to 

P 



11* 

inquire into the nature of the bustle, was considered by 
James and his adherents, as an accomplice, or rather as 
principal in the treason, and punished accordingly. 

In support of this, we are told that James's person was 
ugly, his constitution feeble, his address aukward, his mind 
Weak and timid, and his attachment to worthless favourites 
disgraceful : in short every way a disagreeable mortal. On 
the other hand, that Ann was of a lusty amorous constitution, 
and a forward intriguing disposition, seldom inclined to render 
that submission, even in public affairs, which James consi- 
dered as due to a husband, and that husband the Lord's 
anointed. Thus circumstanced, it is natural to suppose, 
that not merely an indifference, but a disagreement would 
exist between them, and, in fact, that was the case. James, 
if we may credit some of his biographers, did not even con- 
fine his wandering inclinations to the sex ; but we arc assur- 
ed that Ann, more naturally, placed her affections on the 
handsomest men about court. Peyton, an English writer, 
says, that " besides Dowry's brother, she had a great num- 
ber of gallants, both in Scotland and England." One of 
the former, " the Bonny Earl of Moray" was assassinated 
on this account, at the instigation of James, some years be- 
fore this. Neville, who had lately returned from his em- 
bassy at Paris, writes to Winwood who succeeded him, 
" Many are of opinion, that the discovery of some affection 
between her" (i. e. Ann) " and the Earl of Gowry's brother, 
who was killed with him, was the truest cause and motive 
of all that tragedy." This letter is dated London, Nov* 
15, 1600. 

An anecdote transmitted from father to son, for these 
two hundred years bygone, bearing little internal probabi- 
lity, and originating from unknown authority, is quoted by 
some writers of great discernment, as evidence of this in- 
trigue. 

The King, it is said, notwithstanding his indifference to- 
wards the Queen, presented her with no less than a piece 
of Ribbon. Ann transferred the royal gift to her gallant, 
Alexander Ruthven, who wore it about his neck. Hap- 
pening to fall asleep, in the garden at Falkland, one warm 
day, James passing by, observed the ribbon under Alexan- 
der's neckloth. Stung with jealousy " he made quick haste 
to the palace," which indeed was at no great distance, as 
it serves for part of the garden wall. As good fortune 



113 

would have it, one of the Queen's ladies happened to be 
near, and saw the king look at Alexander. Witchcraft 
was then prevalent. She knew James's thoughts, and in- 
tentions ; and loosing the ribbon from under Alexander's 
cravat, with the celerity of a hag, and the delicacy of a 
maid of honour, she instantly presented herself, with the 
ribbon, before the Queen, whom chance, still favourable, 
had placed at her toilette, and desired Her Majesty to put 
the ribbon in a drawer. Scarcely had she disappeared, wh en 
James entered, and requested of the Queen, a sight of the 
redoubtable ribbon. Ann took it from the drawer, and gave 
it him; who, after satisfying himself of its identity with the 
one he had lately given her, returned it, and left the room 
muttering, " De'il tak me but like is an ill mark." 

Another circumstance is related, in confirmation of the 
-criminality of Ann and Alexander. On the death of the 
two brothers at Perth, the remaining brothers and sisters 
left the country, or lived in obscurit} r . A year or two af- 
terwards, the Queen ventured to admit one of them, Bea- 
trix, afterwards married to Sir John Home, into the pa- 
lace, without James's knowledge, where she had some conver- 
sation with Her Majesty, and as Beatrix and another of her 
sisters, had been two of the Ladies attendants, before the 
affair of the fifth of August, 'tis very probable, that she 
supplied them with some necessaries, which in the destitute 
and interdicted state of the family, all of them, certainly, 
were much in want of' Thus it sometimes happens, that 
even the best of our actions, are misrepresented, and when 
a turn is to be served, held up, as proceeding from the 
basest of motives. Even on the supposition, that the two el- 
der brothers were as guilty as the king represented them, 
the two younger brothers, and the sisters, never were charg- 
ed with having any way engaged in the attempt. There- 
fore however susceptible of love Ann may have been, cer- 
tainly excess of compassion would have formed no part of 
her character, had she not endeavoured to rescue from beg- 
gary, unfortunate but innocent servants. 

In taking notice of these testimonies, in favour of the 
reality of an amorous intrigue, between James's Queen, and 
Alexander Ruthven, it is not meant to deny, that any such 
existed. But we will say, that nothing we have heard ad- 
duced in its support, can impart the smallest conviction, to 
even the most credulous mind, that it did exist. The mvs~ 

P 2 



116 

terious light, in which the death of the Ruthvens at Perth^ 
would be viewed in other places, where the Royal Account 
was the only information to be had, would naturally give 
rise to many conjectures, and no wonder, that among the 
rest, it should be affirmed, That, that catastrophe was oc- 
casioned by a criminal intercourse between one of them, 
and the Queen ; in consequence of which, either the King's 
jealousy induced him to cut off his guilty rival, or this lat- 
ter endeavoured to assassinate the King, that he might the 
more freely enjoy the Queen. 

As to the latter of these, namely, the supposition that 
Alexander was the assassin, we may observe in the first 
place, that if he meant to take away the King's life, he e- 
vidently did not mean to do it secretly, in carrying him to 
Perth on the fifth of August. According to James's own 
account of the matter, Alexander led him to Gowry's house, 
accompanied by at least, twenty armed men. Now what 
preposterous conduct was this ! A much better opportunity 
occurred in the morning, when James and he conversed 
together at the gate or breach in the park wall at Falkland. 
His Majesty's fellow sportsmen were then at some distance. 
Or, what would have afforded a still better opportunity 
whilst passing that extended, unfrequented defile, the Glen 
of Abernethy. It is true indeed, that if Alexander had 
killed the King at either of these places, he could have had 
Kttle prospect of escaping, either being secured alive, or in- 
stantly put to death by the attendants: but he had if possi- 
ble, still less, if he perpetrated the deed in Perth ; for be- 
sides being within a walled town, the gates of which might 
have been shut at a moment's notice, the King's attendants 
were either in the house, or about it ; several thousands of 
his subjects were within a minute's call ; and a number of 
the fleetest horses in Scotland stood ready saddled in the 
stables. But, setting aside every other consideration, 
Whither could such a regicide have fled? Where could 
he have found shelter? As those who advance this hypothe- 
sis allege, that Alexander's reason for conspiring against 
the King, was merely w r ith the view of getting possession of 
the Queen's person upon his death, that step would have 
been countenanced by no political party, foreign or domes- 
tic. None of these would either assist or protect such a cri- 
minal. In short, in case of his having thus murdered his 
sovereign, certain destruction -must have stared him in the 



117 

lace, unless master of such an army, as could overawe all 
the rest of Scotland, and very probably England. But not 
ja single man or weapon had he provided for the enterprize. 

Nor is the probability greater that the Queen went a- 
long with Alexander Ruthven in any such diabolical pur- 
pose. For admitting that she lived on very indifferent 
terms with her husband, and likewise that she was a wo- 
man of moral principles so abandoned, as to share in any 
transaction of this kind, still it would have been the depth 
of infatuation, for her to have wished the king's death ; far 
less to have been accessory to it. Whilst James w T as alive, 
there was a chance, that she might retain her external dig- 
nity and yet carry on a secret intrigue with a courtier. But 
if her paramour should openly murder her husband at her 
instigation, it was evident that she would not merely fall 
from her elevated station, but would forfeit her life. The 
whole nation, however disjointed otherwise, would join in 
punishing the regicides. 

Pinkerton finding it impossible to remove all the diffi- 
culties which occur in establishing this system, supposes, 
that the plot was well enough planned, but that Alexan- 
der's mind was incapable of supporting the whole of so 
weighty an affair, and that he became distracted, in at- 
tempting to execute it. Thus cutting the knot when una- 
ble to untie it. Yet it is the only way, in which his sup- 
posed management of some parts of the business, can be 
accounted for. Such as, his bringing the King to be mur- 
dered in another man's house, without so much as acquaint- 
ing the owner with his design, or asking his leave; his 
uncommon hurry at Falkland, and on the road, compared 
with the loss of time after their arrival ; his trusting the 
King to Henderson's keeping in the closet, whilst he (A- 
lexander) went out, pretending to go to Gowry, for the 
King's doom, even after Henderson bad manifested such 
symptoms of fear, as was visible by the King's account, and 
of loyalty, as appears by his own; and Alexander's proposing 
to the King, to suffer his hands to be tied, before his 
throat should be cut, as a butcher would do with the limbs 
of a calf. Every one of these, could only be the action of 
a madman. 

In confirmation of the probability of this system, Pin- 
kerton further tells us, that the palace of Gowry was of 
great extent, and some parts of it uninhabited, and even 



IIS 

rarely visited. If so, we have another instance of Alexan- 
der's insanity. For instead of enticing the King to one of 
these solitary dungeons (numbers of which were indeed in 
the ground floor of the house) and there finishing the tra- 
gedy, as quietly as possible, he conducts him up to the 
third floor, and into an apartment, the window of which 
overlooked the court and gate of this palace, always much 
frequented, but especially at this time, when the King and 
his servants were in the house. The South street of Perth, 
too, extended in a straight line, from within forty yards of 
the windows of this closet, to the other end of the town. 
The Parliament House, and many houses of the nobility 
and dignified clergy, were within call. Yet a front win- 
dow, in this populous neighbourhood, was the place cho- 
sen for either murdering or seizing the King. 

Pinkerton adds, that " the gardens of the palace extend- 
ed to the Tay, by which there was an easy access, to many 
remote castles in the Highlands, — and that perhaps James 
was to be conducted either by land or water, to some dis- 
tant concealment, and there perpetually imprisoned, or 
slain." A stranger, who reads this, will now perceive at 
once, how Alexander meant to dispose of James's person. 
After getting rid of the courtiers and servants, His Majes- 
ty, at nightfall, would have been put aboard a barge, and 
rowed up the river, and, by day break, landed perhaps at 
Killin or Dalwhinie ; for though the Earl had a castle at 
Trochrie, on the Bran, a branch of the Tay, yet it would 
have been obnoxious to suspicion. We say, a stranger to 
the country, would collect this much from Pinkerton. But 
when he is informed, that the Tay above Perth is not na- 
vigable for larger vessels than ferry boats and salmon co- 
bles, and that, there are only some parts of it, where these 
can even pass from one bank to the other ; but that no kind 
of vessel can sail along the stream, as it is a succession of 
rapids and cataracts, to the lakes whence its several branch- 
es issue, he must conclude, that the gentleman when he 
wrote the above passage, was either disingenuous or ill in- 
formed ; and, at any rate, that that part of his system is ill 
founded. The idea of carrying off James by land is possi- 
ble, but far from being probable. Gowry's house in Perth 
was by no means a fit place in which to seize the King, 
it was situated in a large town, the inhabitants of whicji 
might be expected to assist in a rescue; and though the 



is 



lis 

arden extended to the Tay, there was a considerable \iU 
age on the opposite bank, and the surrounding country 
was populous. The family seat, Ruthven Castle, a more 
extensive building, two miles distant, or Trochrie Gastle 
in the Highlands were places much better adapted for en- 
trapping him. The neighbours, all of whom lived at some 
distance, were Gowry's tenants, and neither he, nor his 
guests were in the way, or none of the family resided in ei- 
ther house at the time. These were places to which Alex- 
ander certainly would have decoyed the King, preferably to 
Perth ; and if he could not have been concealed in any of 
them, the recess to any " remote castle in the Highlands" 
was more open from any of them, than from Perth. 

Pinkerton accounts for the Earl's death by supposing, 
that seeing his brother slain, but ignorant of the nature of 
the rencontre in which he fell, he endeavoured to avenge 
his supposed murder, on those who killed him. This iri 
the heat of the moment, made them conclude, that he was 
an accomplice in the plot, and consign him to the same 
fate with Alexander. 

Some such shift as this, is certainly needed to complete 
this system, which supposes the guilt entirely confined to 
Alexander ; but, unluckily, it is flatly contradicted by the 
evidence of the crown witnesses themselves. They depone, 
that they massacred the Earl, whilst conversing with them, 
after they had put him off his guard, by astonishing him, 
with the information of the King's death. 

The other alternative of this system, namely, the sup- 
position that jealousy of Alexander induced James to mur- 
der him, is unsupported by every kind of evidence, unless 
some vague reports may be considered as such. But al- 
though it were established in the most satisfactory manner, 
still it does not account for the Earl's death and forfeiture, 
nor for the proscription of the rest of the family. And if 
that is not done, it must be granted, that James and his 
servants murdered the Earl, and ruined his family without 
any provocation. 



The third system originated with King James and his 
friends ; by it the Earl of Gowry, and his brother Alexan- 
der are supposed to have brought His Majesty to Perth, 
merely for the purpose of murdering him. 



120 

In support of this theory, we, to be sure, have the tes* 
timony of James and his courtiers; but that is the whole of 
the evidence. It is corroborated by no other circumstance. 
Indeed most, if not all of these relating to this affair, which 
have been handed down to us, lead to a very different con- 
clusion. 

The first inquiry that here presents itself is, What 
could be their motive for this ? We may rest assured, that 
had they been known before that day, to harbour any re- 
sentment towards James, it would have been brought for- 
ward in evidence against them. But nothing of this kind 
was ever attempted, even by their most inveterate enemies. 
Indeed by a passage of Calderwood's M. S. history, it ap- 
pears, that the Earl had opposed the imposition of some 
Tax which had been proposed in the convention* He is 
likewise known to have patronised the Presbyterian Party 
in the Church. But though in these particulars he might 
cross James's inclination that is no evidence that he would 
bereave him of his life. We perhaps will be told, that se- 
veral years before, Earl William, John's father, on a similar 
pretext, entered into a confederacy with some other noble- 
men, and seizing James's person, kept him prisoner for a 
Considerable time, and under the sanction of his name, ma- 
naged the affairs of the state according to their own liking. 
But that was a very different case. James was then a mi- 
nor, and had suffered himself to be entirely directed, by 
two persons of very dissolute characters, and the restraint 
put upon him was the deed, not of Gowry, but of a consi- 
derable number of the principal nobility. But on the pre- 
sent occasion, James was in the prime of life. His court 
was composed of the chief noblemen of his kingdom. And 
on the other hand, it never could be discovered, that Earl 
John had a single accomplice of any description, unless his 
brother was one. Nothing; in short, seems to have been 
farther from their thoughts, than the offering any injury 
to his person. So far from that, that James and John seem 
to have been living on the most friendly terms ; for we are 
informed that the king wrote to the Earl, a few days be- 
fore his death, inviting him to spend some time at Falk- 
land, at the diversion of Buck-hunting, as appeared by the 
card found in his pocket, when he was slain. 

It has been said too, that Gowry had some pretensions 
to the crown, failing James. But this report can merit lit- 



m 

tie attention. James had several children; and many of 
the nobility could trace a nearer relation to the Royal Fa- 
mily than the House of Ruthven i The duke for instance 
was second cousin to the king. 

But supposing that the Earl and his brother had had 
sufficient inducement to endeavour to destroy King James; 
there still are obstacles to this system apparently insupera- 
ble. The time when, the place where, and the manner in 
which the attempt was said to have been made, were every 
one, the very worst that could have been fixed on for the 
purpose. 

The time was particularly ill chosen with regard to as- 
sistance ; for one of the Earl's servants was sick in bed, a- 
nother, as we shall afterwards hear, was twenty miles dis- 
tant, and the remaining number was so small, that he was 
under the necessity of causing his factor serve at table. On 
the other hand, there was, that day, a concourse of the 
Murrays of the Gospetrie and Tullibardine families, in 
Perth, at the marriage of one of the Clan. These were 
known to be staunch Loyalists, and it appeared from the 
event, that on this occasion^ they did not desert their prin- 
ciples. 

Nothing is more improbable, than to suppose^ that Gowry 
would pitch on that time, to make such an attempt. 

The place chosen was no less exceptionable. A front 
apartment, on the third floor, in the most frequented house 
in Perth, overlooking the court and gate-way, in full view, 
from one end to the other, of the then principal street, of 
the second town in the kingdom, and that town inclosed by 
a wall and wet ditch, was more like to be the scene chosen 
for publicly executing some first rate criminal, than for pri- 
vately making away with the Sovereign of the country. In- 
deed the very circumstance of the house being possessed by 
Gowry is, of itself, sufficient to satisfy every one, that he 
Was not the aggressor. A hundred persons saw the King 
enter the house. The last time he was seen, was passing 
from one part of it to another, in company with the Earl's 
brother. Had His Majesty been amissing; what account 
could the Earl have given? The puerile contrivance of send- 
ing away the King's attendants in a hurry to Falkland, in 
the belief that he was off before them, could only be a tem- 
porary shift. On their arrival there they must have missed 
him: &eir suspicions would then have been awakened: and 

Q 



122 

before midnight they would have returned to Perth with a 
force sufficient to overpower the conspirators. How was 
Gowry to extricate himself from this dilemma? It would 
have been much easier to have avoided it. If his brother 
with one servant was to accomplish the purpose, a thousand 
better opportunities could have been got. Even that same 
morning whilst conversing with James at Falkland, there 
was a possibility that he might have been dispatched unob- 
served. And if it was necessary to decoy him to one of 
Gowry's houses, there to assassinate him ; of all these, the 
one in Perth was most unsuitable. The Earl's castle of 
Trochrie in Strathbraan was a far more eligible place. The 
distance is only fifteen miles more than Perth, yet the situ- 
ation is considerably secluded, the environs being heaths, 
mountains, rivers, lakes, and copses. He might have been 
invited to spend some time there at grouse-shooting; by 
which means there would have been no occasion for the 
foolish story of the man and pot of gold. 

Nor was the agent fixed on to perpetrate the deed more' 
happily chosen. A far more feasible method of dispatching 
the King might have been devised, than by having a person 
involuntary to cut his throat. Gowry had a numerous vas- 
salage, extending through several counties; and there is 
not a doubt, but that the two brothers clearly saw, (sup- 
posing the King's system the real one) that their very lives 
and fortunes entirely depended upon the assassins promptly 
destroying their victim, the instant any one of them should 
give the order to do so. It is very strange then, that they 
should, in these circumstances, employ so chicken-hearted 
a fellow as Henderson was to murder the King. A fellow 
whose blood froze at the sight of the naked dagger, as ap- 
peared from his quaking and trembling : and whose fidelity 
could be so little depended on, that in place of sheathing 
the weapon in James's bosom, he wrenched it from Alexan- 
der's hand, when aiming a blow at the Royal Person ; and 
who declared, that he would die, rather than any harm 
should come to His Majesty. 

It is surprising that, though the Earl had such a number 
of friends and vassals, from amongst whom, he might have 
drawn as many as could have overpowered the Royal Party; 
though he was rich, and so had it in his power to hire des- 
peradoes for such a purpose; and though there were in the 
kingdom,, many persons disaffected to James, whom he 



123 

might have engaged in the attempt ; yet not a single indi- 
vidual (always excepting Henderson) was ever heard of, as 
being provided for the enterprise. Indeed, there were only 
three persons in the house, besides the menial servants, and 
these were neighbouring gentlemen, who happened to dine 
that day with the Earl : and the whole visitors and domes- 
tics did not equal in number those whom James brought 
with him from Falkland. In the manifesto, 'tis true, we 
are told that Gowry met the King, some short way out of 
town, attended by three or four score men. But as this is 
unsupported by any evidence, it must rest entirely on the 
Royal word. It is, however, by no means improbable, 
that in such a town, sixty or eighty might have the curiosity 
to go a quarter of a mile, for the purpose of seeing their 
King. We verily believe, that were His Majesty to visit 
Perm at this time, three or four thousand would accompany 
their chief magistrate, that length of way, to welcome their 
Sovereign. But if any of these were accomplices to the 
Earl in a plot against the King, why were they not brought 
forward in evidence against the Principal. The direct evi- 
dence of half-a-dozen of these, would have superseded the 
necessity of torturing poor Rynd, or of countenancing such 
inefficient perjuries as those of Henderson, Hay, and Mon- 
crieff*. 

But not only were the Earl's attendants few in number, 
but these few were by no means equipped for such an under- 

Q 2 

* However, as the story was very lame in this particular, Parson Coupar 
endeavoured to make it more plausible, by posting from Stirling, across the 
country to Falkland, and relating an anecdote of Gowry. Coupar told, that 
having occasion, some days before, to wait on the Earl in his house, he found 
him reading a book entitled, " De Conjurationibus Adversus Principes ,•" and on 
being acquainted with the nature of the book, he remonstrated with the Earl 
for perusing any such writing as tending to mislead him. 

In every respect this has the air of a falsehood. 

Tn the first place, it is very improbable that Coupar, impertinent as we 
shall suppose him to have been, seeing he was so much inferior to Gowry ia 
every branch of erudition, would presume to dictate to him, what books he 
should or should not read, excepting perhaps irreligious ones. 

Secondly, If, as Coupar says, Gowry found fault with the contrivance of 
all the plots in that collection, because the conspirators imparted their designs 
to some other person, he certainly would have taken better care than to have 
communicated this much of his to Coupar. 

Thirdly, Coupar might with equal propriety have dissuaded Gowry from 
perusing the Bible on account of the immoralities recorded there ; or impeach- 
ed him for having read the very great number of treasonable and seditious 
histories which it contains. 

And lastly, We know of no Book bearing this Title, which then existed. 



124 
taking. At the beginning of the fray not one of them was 
armed, we shall also except Henderson. Several of the 
witnesses depone, That certain of Gowry's servants armed, 
accompanied him when he entered his house to learn the 
nature of the squabble ; but none are particularized except 
Thomas Cranston. The Earl, when he went in, is said to 
liave had a sword in each hand and a helmet on. It seems 
to have been fashionable for gentlemen to carry their swords 
with them, on every occasion, in that age ; as we find the 
courtiers, notwithstanding of all their hurry to accompany 
the King to Perth, waiting till their swords were procured. 
This will account for his having his sword at this time. But 
it was only when occasion required, that knapschaws or 
helmets were wore; consequently, he had to provide him- 
self with one after the fracas arose. And here we observe 
two parts of the story, to unite which in a satisfactory man-, 
ner, requires more ingenuity than we possess. 

Henderson depones, That after his return from Falk- 
land, he had gone home, and put on his coat of mail and 
helmet, by the direction of his master, Gowry, who pre- 
tended, that his assistance would be necessary in apprehend- 
ing a delinquent, of the name of Maconikiuy. Again the 
Earl, before he could with safety enter his own house, to 
learn the nature of the disturbance, found it necessary to 
arm himself; and as he could not come at his own helmet, 
he went to Henderson's house, and borrowed his. Now it 
is unaccountable how he could think of looking for it there; 
since, if we are to believe Henderson, he (Henderson) had, 
at Gowry's request, put on his armour only a short time be- 
fore, and when they went out to welcome the King, Gowry 
must have seen him actually armed cap-a-pie, and that, 
partly with this identical helmet ; and likewise must have 
known, that he had no opportunity of going home with it, 
having ever since that time, been busily employed, in one 
shape or other, in Gowry's house. Then how could he ex- 
pect to find it any where, but in his own house ? To this 
question it will perhaps be answered, that whatever induce- 
ment he had to seek for the helmet in Henderson's house, 
he was justified by the result, for he found it there, and 
brought it thence, Henderson having sent it home again, 
IJut what reason does Henderson give for this strange con- 
duct ? Wherefore, after having in the first place, obeye4 
his master's orders, in putting it on, docs he now act so di- 



125 

rectly contrary ? Why, he tells us, he just did, what many 
$ better man has done. He fell into a mistake, by suppos- 
ing, when he saw the Earl pass to the Inch to meet the 
King, that the caption of Maconilduy was delayed to ano- 
ther time, and of course that he would have no immediate 
occasion for his armour. 

Now, according to his own deposition, three hours had 
not yet elapsed, since he himself had told Go wry, that he 
might expect a visit from the King, in a few hours after- 
wards. At this instant Gowry ordered him, to join, and 
meet the King on his way to town. Henderson himself 
likewise now saw the royal cavalcade descending the hill, at 
less than a mile's distance. The exact time was now come, 
in which, according to his own information, it behooved the 
King to arrive: yet when the Earl rose from table, and 
went out, Henderson pretends, that it never struck him, 
that it was to welcome the King, but only to apprehend the 
culprit. He therefore sends for his steel bonnet and gaunt- 
let, that he might be equipped, for assisting in securing the 
offender. When, however, he saw his master pass, not to 
the South-Street where Maconilduy was to be found, but 
to the Inch, he sends home his helmet, without suggesting 
any thing like a plausible reason for his doing so. He 
knew of the King's coming, before he went for his armour, 
and of course, his actual arrival could furnish no pretext 
for sending it back: he pretends, that he supposed the Earl 
had given up the design of seizing Maconilduy on the King's 
arrival. But that is a glaring falsehood; as, even by his own 
account, it was only after he had told the Earl that he might 
look for a visit from the King in a few hours, that the Earl 
directed him to put on his armour, as he had a Highland- 
man to take. So that the King's presence could have no 
influence on his conduct towards Maconilduy, seeing, that 
Jie had declared his resolution, after being informed of His 
Majesty's intention, according to Henderson's own account. 

Henderson tells us farther, That he threw his gauntlet 
into the pantry. Indeed, considering how busy the servants 
must have been, on account of the unexpected arrival of the 
company from Falkland, it might well have been expected, 
that the helmet, as well as the gauntlet, would have been 
cast into the pantry? or some such bye place; and especially 
as there was a probability of its being wanted, so soon as the 
Earl was at leisure. Or as he (Henderson) was the prin* 



126 

cipal servant, perhaps he himself might have been entrust- 
ed with the taking of Maconilduy. On the whole, this 
part of the story is very poorly fabricated. But as it was 
necessary for the Earl's implication, that he should give 
Henderson his instructions, and among the rest desire him 
to arm ; and as on the other hand the Earl was seen by the 
populace, to bring the helmet from Henderson's house, 
perhaps this is the best that could be made of the matter. 

This part of the story is highly improbable, but not im- 
possible; which is more than can be said of the account 
given of procuring the helmet, when viewed in another 
light; as we shall have occasion to observe more particularly 
by and by. 

We see that one of the principal hinges of this system 
consists, in the Earl's sending his brother Alexander to 
Falkland, for the purpose of luring the king to Perth, on 
the fifth of August. That Alexander went to Falkland, 
and had an interview with the king, on that day, seems 
indisputable. But that he was sent on that errand by his 
brother is at least improbable, as it appears from the evi- 
dence, that the Earl did not expect a visit from the king at 
that time, otherwise he certainly would have been in wait- 
ing for him. In answer to this observation, it is insinuated, 
that either the Earl's antipathy to the king, or his pertur- 
bation of mind, occasioned by the impending event, pre- 
vented him from' entertaining His Majesty in a suitable 
manner. But if so, his conduct, in this respect, was the 
reverse of his brother's, in the morning, at Falkland, as 
" hee was never wont to make so lowe courtesie" as he did 
on that occasion, " bowing his head under His Majestie's 
knee," whereas the Earl had deliberately sat down to din- 
ner with a few friends, at the very time when, if we are to 
credit this relation, he was expecting His Majesty, and on- 
ly a short time before his arrival. 

But whatever side of the question we espouse, it does 
not at first sight appear, what reason Gowry could have 
for pretending ignorance of the king's coming, if he really 
knew of it. If the Earl had no evil designs on the king, 
one might think that he certainly would have entertained 
him in a suitable manner. And on the other hand, if he 
meant to decoy His Majesty to his house, with the design 
of either killing, or confining him ; instead of employing 
his brother Alexander to bring him there by a trick, and 



127 

when he was brought, neglecting to welcome him, he would 
surely have baited the trap, by preparing a feast and invi J 
ting him to partake of it. 

On second thoughts, however, we will discover, that 
this was the readiest, perhaps the only method of bringing 
home guilt to Go wry. The case seems to have been this, 
That he, in appearance, had no expectation of a visit from 
the king at that time, was a circumstance which could not 
be concealed from the world, there being so many witnes- 
ses, that no preparation was made for his reception*. It 
therefore became necessary to give out, that Gowry did 
know of James's coming, or how could blame attach to him ? 
The only alternative that then remained, was to say, that 
he knew of it, but concealed that knowledge. Thus far all 
is well. But still the difficulty is not removed. The ques- 
tion, What reason could he have for this false pretence ? 
still obtrudes itself. And it seems James with all his wis- 
dom, could not devise a satisfactory answer. 

We are likewise told, that Alexander left the company 
about a mile from Perth, and rode on before, to advise the 
Earl of the king's approach. Now this step was altogether 
unnecessary, if there was the least expectation of the visit ; 
because the Royal Party could have been distinctly seen, 
from Gowry's house, descending the hill, for more than a 
mile from the town, and in that case, certainly would have 
been looked for. 

Henderson, indeed, declares, that Alexander sent him 
in the morning, from Falkland to the Earl, with advice of 
the King's intention of following to dinner. But we know, 
that Henderson was a liar; and it was pretty evident that 
he was not at Falkland on that occasion. No one saw 
him, either going or returning, nor in Falkland ; even the 
landlord of the Inn which he used to frequent did not see 
him, none of the courtiers saw him, nor any of the king's 
grooms or menials. Prior Hay and his brother, indeed, 
are made to . tell that being in company with Gowry that 
forenoon, they saw Henderson come in booted from Falk- 
land, and heard the Earl ask him some questions, relative 
to what he observed there. Mr MoncrieiF, too, depones, 
that Henderson informed him he had that day been a short 

* The sycophant Galloway, in his harangue to the populace, from the 
Cross of Edinburgh, next Monday, in the whining cant of the age, uses this 
expression, " The King gets his dinner, a cold dinner, yea a very cold din- 
ner, as they know who were present." 



i28 

way north of Perth, from which by an inference, a little 
strained to be sure, but every way of a piece with the other 
proceedings, it was known that he had Been a stage to the 
south of it* Rynd likewise says, that Andrew Ruthven in 
effect told him of Henderson's being with his Master and 
himself at Falkland. But it is evident, that this was forced 
from him by the boots. For a long time, he denied, that 
he knew of * any such thing. Indeed, whoever peruses his 
declaration, must be satisfied that that really was the case ; 
and, that, when he is at length brought to say, that An- 
drew Ruthven told him, that Henderson was sent forward 
to advise the Earl of the King's coming, such declaration 
was merely forced from him by the hangman's mallet ; as 
likewise was the case with that part of his declaration, where 
he says that he believes the Earl told a falsehood, in saying, 
"That he did not understand what brought the king to 
Perth." Which assertion Rynd had mentioned openly 
some days before his examination. 

Henderson in his deposition at the trial, November 
1 5th, says, on his arrival from Falkland, he saw the Hays 
speak with the Earl of Gowry ; but at the precognition at 
Falkland, August 20th, he mentioned no such circumstance, 
he only says that on his arrival from Falkland, the Earl 
left the company he was speaking with. This is easily ac- 
counted for. At that time (August 20th) the plan of the 
plot was not well enough digested, nor were £ the necessary 
instruments provided; but in the course of three months, it 
was more matured; better arrangements were made, and 
witnesses prepared to establish the several parts of the sto- 
ry. But the support which it receives from their evidence, 
is but small. They say that they had some business to 
transact with Gowry that day, and that they came to Perth, 
and waited on him in his house for that purpose, but that 
upon Henderson's arriving from Falkland, and delivering 
his message, the Earl told them, that they must come some 
other day, as he was so much engaged at that time. Here 
we are to observe, that we are not let into the knowledge 
of the nature of their business with Gowry. It was prudent 
not to attempt to do that, since there is a probability that 
they had none. They (George especially) would have been 
very ungrateful had they not proifered some assistance to 
James in an emergency of this kind. George had for some 
vears been a Gentleman of the Bedchamber, and he had 






129 

lately obtained a grant of the Carthusian monastery in 
Perth. It was besides well known, that James commonly 
followed the prior's advice in ecclesiastical matters, particu- 
larly in the attempt which he made for reconciliation with 
Rome : and, supposing the attention due to his Master and 
Sovereign overlooked, it is difficult to conceive, how he 
could have exculpated himself to his uncle and patron Fa- 
ther Edmund, had he neglected to take part, in such a 
master-stroke, as the assassination of the leader of the Pres- 
byterian interest in Scotland. 

The eagerness with which the reality of Henderson's 
journey to Falkland was attempted to be proven, is a cir- 
cumstance 5 which of itself weakens our belief of it. It 
shows, that his being there at that time, was doubted of by 
some. And, it must be owned, that they were not very in- 
credulous, who were convinced by any thing that is brought 
forward in the proof. Had he been there, there was no 
reason for concealing it. Mr llynd says, that Andrew 
Ruthven told him, that he (Andrew Ruthven) was along 
with Mr Alexander at Falkland ; and this he did in Gow- 
ry's presence. So that their being there was made no se- 
cret o£ For although it is not at all uncommon for servants 
to divulge their masters' secrets, they usually take care, not 
to do it in their hearing. But if Henderson was there, and 
the court found it of so much importance to establish that 
fact, why have recourse to this suspicious, round about, 
hearsay evidence? Why not bring forward a number of 
credible, because disinterested witnesses, such as Lamb, 
Balfour, or Nasmith, the Innkeepers, and Surgeon, and es- 
tablish the point at once ? 

There is still another question, which here unluckily 
presents itself, and that is, What could be Gowry's design, 
in sending his chamberlain to Falkland ? If he had any 
business, however trivial, to transact with the King, and 
neither himself nor his brother at leisure, there would have 
been no impropriety in sending his factor to negotiate with 
so great a personage. But here, Henderson is sent to 
Falkland, merely, (taking their own account) to return 
with notice, that the king was to follow in a couple of 
hours. A message which might have been carried, either 
in writing, or verbally, by any body, even the most insig- 
nificant stable boy. All that could be meant by it, being 
merely to give Gowry a little previous notice, so as he 

R 



130 

might be in readiness for receiving his royal guest, of what- 
ever kind tliat reception should be. 

Calderwood informs us, that the Earl meant to have 
gone to Lothian, on the 5th of August, for the purpose of 
asking his mother, who lived at Dirlton, to come and live 
with him; and it is added, that he was expected about 
the same time, to have waited on the Lady, who afterwards 
was Countess of Angus, at Seaton, for whom he was known 
to have had a partiality, but delayed the journey, till he 
should learn what his brother was sent for to Falkland. 

Thus, in every point of view, it is evident, that this part 
of the narrative is improbable. But it is absolutely neces- 
sary. Take away Gowry's guilt of instructing Henderson 
to attend Alexander to Falkland, for the purpose of re- 
turning with early intelligence; and of directing him to 
arm, when they knew of the king's coming, and there is 
not a single circumstance which criminates him in the whole 
story ; for his endeavouring to quell a riot in his own house, 
of which he knew not the nature, was highly praiseworthy. 
This being the case, the king's party were under the indis- 
pensable necessity of having recourse to this method of con^ 
victing him of treason. Had they not accomplished that, 
though the rapacious ruffians had already got their malice 
in part gratified, by the death of the two brothers, their a- 
varice and necessities must have remained wholly unsatisfi- 
ed, as the estate would have fallen to the heir at law. 

If it is strange that Gowry should send his chamberlain 
on such an errand, it is no less surprising, that when he 
received the information, he should make no manner of 
use of it. For when Alexander came in himself, only a 
short time before the king and his train, in place of finding 
the Cooks and other servants in a bustle, preparing dinner 
for the visitors ; and the Earl disposing of his armed assas- 
sins, in their several lurking places, where they might be 
in readiness to rush out, and strike the blow ; he found e- 
very thing in ordinary stile ; and the Earl quietly eating his 
dinner with three neighbouring gentlemen. And although 
he should have known, that the King and his attendants 
had been on horseback, since seven o'clock in the morning, 
yet not a morsel was prepared for them. 

The inducement said to have been held out by Alexan- 
der, for drawing the king from Falkland to Perth, is child- 
ish and improbable in the extreme; 1st. Alexander gives 



131 

no reason why he intermeddled with a stranger, whom he 
accidentally met, carrying something under his cloak ; nor 
2dly. Why he did not bring the gold to Falkland, or de- 
posit it where it would be safe till his return to Perth, and 
then there would have been no danger that the King, by 
his delay, " would make the treasure be meddled with be- 
fore any word could come from His Majesty." And in o- 
ther points, where any kind of reasons are given, they are 
very little to the purpose. Thus Alexander when urging 
James to leave his diversion and hasten to Perth, tells him, 
that his "long delay, would breed leisure to the fellow, who 

was lying bound to cry or make -dinne," just as if he 

could not in the night, or whilst Alexander was riding 
thirty miles in the morning, cry as well as at any time af- 
terwards. Again, Alexander seems to speak doubtfully of 
the coin in which he found the gold. He had examined 
the quantity, for he informed James that the pot " was all 
full of coined gold of great pieces." Yet, in answer to a 
question from His Majesty, he says, that " as farre as he 
could take leisure to see them, that they seemed to be for- 
reine strokes of Coyne." Now he had all night to inspect 
them. Such improbable inconsistencies could not escape 
the observation of any man of common sense. Nor can it 
be urged in James's cause, that he is not accountable for 
Alexander Ruthven's reveries ; for he pretended to be con- 
vinced of the reality of the story ; but which is supported 
by no kind of evidence whatever, excepting his bare asser- 
tion : and if we consider the known depravity of his cha- 
racter, and the dilemma in which he must have found him- 
self, on perceiving that the world believed he had delibe- 
rately murdered the two brothers, we must allow that the 
probability that he invented and propagated this, is much 
greater, than that Alexander would attempt to palm any 
such nonsense upon him, as that he, (Alexander) though 
but a private person, would seize a man whom he by chance 
met with, carry him into the town of Perth, bind, and in 
another man's house, and that man the chief magistrate of 
the place, imprison him, without any assistance, or legal 
authority, or so much as being observed by any one ; and 
all for no other reason, than that of his having a sum of 
money in his custody, and which could be no reason as it 
Mas not known, till he was " meddled with." 

We are told that Alexander gave the king the infprma- 
R 2 



132 

don in the morning, before he began hunting ; and that 
James then agreed to go, only he would first follow the chace 
for some time ; and that Alexander never left him, whilst 
thus engaged, but constantly urged him to leave off, and 
go to Perth instantly. And that, when James was at length 
to set out, Alexander would not, for fear of losing time, al- 
low him to wait for a fresh horse ; and on the road, was 
continually entreating him to spur on, for fear that the man 
and gold should be some how discovered. But that on their 
arrival at Perth, though James waited an hour before din- 
ner was ready, during which he seems to have been entire- 
ly unengaged, he sees not the object of his journey ; so com- 
pletely is the former hurry changed to dilatoriness equally 
unaccountable. As might well have been expected, this 
inconsistency is laid at the door of one of the Ruthvens. 
We are assured in the discourse, that James wished to ex- 
amine the stranger whilst dinner was preparing, but was 
dissuaded by Alexander telling him, that there was no haste 
till he should dine at leisure, as all was sure enough for an 
hour. And that when at length Alexander wished to carry 
him up stairs, he prevailed on His Majesty to send the Earl 
(in order to be " quit of him,") into the hall where the 
courtiers were at dinner. By all this it is insinuated that 
the conspirators, Gowry and his brother Alexander, de- 
signed to delay making the attempt, till the king's atten- 
dants were engaged at dinner. A silly contrivance truly, 
as, so soon as that was over, they certainly would enquire 
after their master. But weak as it is, every part of it is done 
away by reflecting, in the first place, that they did not ride 
to Perth at any uncommon pace. Some of them stopped 
and fed their horses ; James stopped and had a conversation 
with Lennox; and first Andrew Ruthven, and then Alex- 
ander Ruthven, though mounted on horses that had come 
from Perth that morning, and had been in the chase along 
with the others, were able to leave them on the way, and 
even distance them so far, that Alexander, though he left 
them only at the last mile, had time to give the Earl advice, 
and he again, after mustering his friends and servants, was 
able to go out a quarter of a mile before they met the king. 
So that they must have rode at a very slow rate. Secondly, 
If it was considered as of such importance for James's atten- 
dants to be diverted from observing him pass up stairs, that 
Gowry himself took that offtce upon him, it is highly im- 



'133 

probable that they should have gone through the apartment 
where these attendants were sitting, and the Earl with them, 
as another course could easily have been taken. 

The plain fact seems to be this : when the king had din- 
ed, the Earl left his presence, and came into the hall to " en- 
tertayn" the noblemen and gentlemen, who had escorted 
him from Falkland, while at dinner. In a short time there- 
after, the king's party thought it proper to proceed to the 
business of the day*, when James and Alexander passed 
through the hall, and up stairs, by themselves. James 
foresaw that this last circumstance might be considered as 
having taken place without the Earl's knowledge, and 
would then be construed into an exculpation of him. And 
as it was done before the whole guests, and servants, and on- 
lookers, it was impossible to conceal it from the world. 
Therefore he gave out, that the two brothers had concerted 
their plot in this way : That the Earl should divert the at- 
tention of the noblemen, while Alexander took His Majes- 
ty away, and cut his throat. 

By the manifesto we are informed that after the King 
came to Perth, and whilst he waited for dinner, he attempt- 
ed to enter into conversation with Gowry, " but could get 
no direct answer of him, but half words, and imperfect sen- 
tences." And during dinner " he stood very pensive, and 

with a dejected countenance without any welcoming 

of His Majesty, or any other hearty form of entertainment." 
And after he had " conveyed" the King's attendants " forth 
to their dinner," he " sat not down with them himself, (as 
the common manner is) but came back, and stood silent at 
the end of the King's table." We can be at no loss to dis- 
cover the reason why these particulars are mentioned here. 
It clearly is with the design of affording collateral evidence 
of Gowry's treason. Indeed if he was now embarked in an 
enterprise, perilous and momentous, as an attempt upon the 
King's life would have been, this abstraction of mind would 
naturally take place. And however well the principle out- 
lines of the plot might have been sketched before hand, in 
the moment of execution, a number of minute circumstances 
would occur, which, not having been foreseen, could not 
be provided against. Hence, we are to suppose that the 
arch-traitor, in frequently going out and in, was employed 

* There is a tradition in Perth that James desired Alexander to lead him 
fo the necessary-house. 



134 

in giving instructions to some of his abettors, and in fre- 
quent visits to the places where others were posted. 

But on the other hand, might not this thoughtful deject- 
ed state of mind under which the Earl laboured on this oc- 
casion, be accounted for on the other hypothesis. He saw 
the king, who, he had reason for supposing, was secret- 
ly no friend of his, attended by a number of servants and 
favourites, all armed, some at least of whom were his (the 
Earl's) avowed enemies, unexpectedly enter his house, with- 
out, so far as he knew, having any business there. It 
would likewise occur to him, that another band of his ene- 
mies were collected in the town, on another pretence. He 
could not comprehend the design of all this, far less foresee 
the consequences. No wonder then, that his mind was agi- 
tated. As to his not sitting down to dine with the king's fol- 
lowers, that may be accounted for to the satisfaction of some 
people, b} r merely reflecting that little more than an hour 
had elapsed since he dined; and though he could not eat 
with them, we find that he waited on them while they dined. 

The next circumstance taken notice of is, if possible, 
still more incredible. James was naturally very timorous. 
On the way from Falkland, his apprehensions of danger 
rose so high, that calling Lennox aside, and imparting the 
seo et to him, he desired his advice ; his grace agreed with 
His Majesty, that the story was " very suspicious and un- 
likely," and the result of their joint deliberation was, that the 
greatest caution was to be observed, on their arrival at 
Perth. The king says lie " always'-' desired the Duke " not 
to fail to accompany him into the house where the alleged 
fellow and treasure was." The Duke depones, that the 
king said to him, both on the road, and in Gowry's house, 
" take tent where I pass with Mr Alexander Ruthven and 
follow me." This is all very well : but mark the issue. After 
dinner James, notwithstanding his grievous apprehensions, 
goes unarmed, along with Alexander, who had a sword, 
and who, as they passed along through several apartments, 
" locked behind him every doore." The Duke too, not- 
withstanding his own suspicions, and his sovereign's injunc- 
tions, sees the king dressed in his green jacket, and having 
only his hunting-horn about him, retire with Alexander 
armed, and whom he shrewdly suspected to be either a mad- 
man or a traitor. Yet he continues at his glass, seemingly 
quite unconcerned. Nay more, when at last he rises from ta-* 



135 

ble, he does not follow his master up stairs, there torescuehim 
from the danger with which he, at that instant, supposed 
him beset, but steps out, and into the garden, with some 
others of the company there, we presume, to solace them- 
selves with the fresh breeze on the bank of the river. 

From a cursory perusal of the Royal narrative, indeed, 
one might be led to conclude, that James, at the instigation 
of Alexander, as they passed the company in the hall, pub- 
licly commanded that none should follow them, whilst at 
the same time Alexander undertook privately to desire 
Thomas Erskin to attend them, which, however, he (Alex- 
ander) did not perform. This is wholly unsupported by 
every kind of evidence. Erskin says, that on his afterwards 
expostulating with the king for not " concrediting more to" 

him, His Majesty answered, " The traitor deceived me 

I commanded him to bring you to me, which he pro- 
mised to me to do, and returned back as I thought to fetch 
you, but he did nothing but steiked the door." This, surely, 
outrages all common sense. James dreaded that Alexander's 
leading him to a distant part of the house, was with no 
friendly design, possibly to take his life. To prevent any 
thing of that kind, he sends him for assistance from among 
the gentlemen of the court. And though Alexander return- 
ed without any, which must have turned James's suspicions 
to almost certainty, His Majesty still goes along, though, as he 
saw door after door locked behind him, his dread of dan- 
ger must have been heightened at every step. James must 
have had a very mean opinion, indeed, of the intellects of his 
contemporaries, when he supposed them incapable of de- 
tecting such absurdities. 

Thus Alexander leads the king into the « Round," or 
small projecting turret, the scene where the tragedy, we are 
to suppose, was to be acted. There can be no doubt, but 
that to secure success in a matter of so much importance, 
Gowry would have adopted the most decisive measures, and 
among others, he would have had three or four resolute ac- 
complices in readiness, within this apartment, for it was in- 
capable of containing a larger number, and to bar accidents, 
some thousands of his vassals stationed in other parts of the 
house and offices. But no proof is even attempted, that any 
kind of preparation was made. Instead of a numerous as- 
semblage of Gowry's retainers, we hear of only a single in- 
dividual. Instead of his appearance bespeaking him to be 



136 

ah unconscientious, tried, and determined cut-throat, whd 
had been informed of the plot, and had agreed to become 
the principal instrument in accomplishing it, he turns out 
to be a poor astonished poltroon, " who did nothing but 
tremble all the time," thrust per force " like a dog" into this 
apartment, without receiving the least intimation of what 
was expected of him ; so much attached to the king, that 
lie protested, that before any evil should be done to His Ma- 
jesty, he "■ should first die ;" and does wrench the dagger 
from Alexander's hand. So truly pious withal, that for 
half an hour he was on his knees praying God to avert 
" some evil" that he " feared to be done." This is all very 
strange; but by and by w T e shall even find this " trembling 
astonished fellow" evanish into a non-entity. 

We are told, that this " said fellow" had a dagger at his 
girdle, which Alexander Ruthven, so soon as he had en- 
tered with the King in his arm, and locked the door of the 
study behind him, drew; and holding the point to His Ma- 
jesty's breast, used some threatening expressions. But what 
the import of these were, is a question not easily solved. In 
the precognition taken at Falkland, Henderson deponed, 
That the words made use of by Alexander were, " Remem- 
ber ye of my father's murder ? Yee shall now die for it." At 
the same instant aiming a blow at His Majesty's heart, which 
had inevitably been fatal, if Henderson had not parried it. 
But at the trial the wretch flatly contradicts himself. He then 
swore, That Alexander " says to the King, having the drawn 
whinger in his hand, Sir, you must be my prisoner; re- 
member on my father's death." And when " the King was 
beginning to speak, the Master said, Hold your tongue, 
Sir, or, by Christ, yee shall die." The precise meaning 
of the words made use of on this occasion, must be of the 
very utmost importance, to those who believe that some 
such words were spoken ; yet we are completely left in the 
dark, respecting them, by this witness ; and he is the only 
one who pretended to be present. We must, therefore, at- 
tend to what the King says, though a party. But we are- 
left just as much in the dark by him, as by Henderson. 
His account neither informs us, whether His Majesty was 
to be instantly butchered or imprisoned, but says, that " A- 

lexander held the point of it," i. e. the dagger " to 

the King's breast, avowing now that the King behooved to 
be in his will, and used as he list." In short, all and every 



is? 

one of these accounts, bear evident marks of falsehood: fotf 
nobody would ever think of secretly confiningpor murdering 
any person, in such a place as this turret, whose dimen- 
sions are so small, as to prevent its being divided into dif- 
ferent apartments ; and from the windows of which, hun- 
dreds of people were within view, and within hearing, at 
all times of the day. The place best adapted for either pur- 
pose, was some one of these recesses which, a late writer 
says, extended from the house, backwards to the Tay. Nor 
is it probable, that Alexander, as he had none but poor 
trembling Henderson to assist him, would, if he meant td 
kill the King, tell him so, in such a deliberate manner; just 
as if he designed to put him on his guard. Had it been 
impossible for His Majesty to resist, Alexander might then 
have safely gratified his resentment, by expatiating on His 
Majesty's cruelty and injustice ; but circumstanced as they 
then were^ we may well presume, that Alexander, if he 
meant to take the king's life, instead of hazarding all by a 
tedious altercation, would have stabbed him instantly. The 
liar Henderson, indeed, says, "that Alexander intended to 
have done so, had it not been, that he " threw the" dagger 
<( out of the Master's hand." But James's account says no- 
thing of this : and we learn irom a letter of Nicolson's to 
Cecil, that the king remembered nothing of it. And, con- 
sidering the fright he was in, it certainly is highly improba- 
ble, that he would act any such part at that time. It can- 
not, however, be our business to determine, which of these 
accounts is the true one, since we are satisfied that they are 
both false. 

The account which James gives of this matter, is, That 
it was his own soothing and persuasive language, which dis- 
armed Alexander Ruthven, even, it appears, after he had 
his arm extended to give the fatal blow. We have here a 
fresh instance, of the advantage of having the command of 
a smooth tongue. We know, from good authority*, that 
he was endowed with " deep judgment," and blessed " with 
many singular and extraordinary graces." And, indeed, he 
must have been singularly eloquent, if, under the then ex- 
isting circumstances, he could dissuade Alexander from ex- 
ecuting his design of taking his life, after having proceeded 
such a length. But, not to insist on this, we are next told> 
that Alexander actually was prevailed on by the king's rh«- 

S 

* The Translators of the Bible. See Preface, 



138 

toric, to grant him a respite till the Earl's pleasure should 
•be known ; and that he went out for that purpose. Before 
leaving the apartment, however, he gave the king's person 
ih charge to Henderson. Now, what unaccountable con- 
duct was this ! According to all the three accounts, James 
had all along evinced the most undaunted fortitude. There 
is no evidence of his being afraid, even when the weapon 
was pointed to his breast. Henderson, on the contrary, 
" trembled," " quaked," was " abashed," and " astonished." 
Yet, to this silly half-dead wretch, does Alexander entrust 
the custody of the intrepid James the Sixth, whilst he went 
out to learn, whether the Earl would remit the sentence of 
death which he had passed upon him. It is but fair to state, 
indeed, that he first laid the king under some kind of re- 
straint, not to escape, till his return. But the precise tenor 
of this obligation, never can be ascertained. At the precog- 
nition, Henderson swore* That Alexander took " an oathe 
of the king, that he would not cry, nor open the window." 
At the trial, he says, this was merely a promise. " Alexan- 
der said to the king, Sir, you will not cry, nor open the 
window, while I come again ? And the king promised so 
to do." But, according to the Royal narrative, he did not 
even exact a promise* He only " saide to His Majesty, you 
must content yourself to have this man now your keeper, 
untill my coming backe." But whether it was an oath, or 
a promise, or an injunction, James was too well versed in 
casuistry, to be restrained by a forced obligation; so, though 
he did not open the window himself, he caused Henderson 
do it. 

That part of Henderson's story, in which he says, that 
so soon as Sir John Ramsay entered the closet, he (Hen- 
derson) ran down the back stair, and went home, to his 
own house, where he remained all the rest of the afternoon, 
as if nowise interested in the fate of his master's family, is 
highly improbable. Although he had seen the king's life 
attempted, and had left the place in the middle of the fray, 
whilst the event was still in suspense, he is quite careless of 
the result, and keeps at home till the evening; when he 
takes an airing on the bridge for an hour, as if nothing un- 
common had taken place. 

In passing through the court, too, on his way home, he 
saw his master, Gowry, standing on the South-Street, with- 
out the gate, armed, and seemingly about to interfere in the 



13$ 

bustle. Yet although Henderson had just left the place, 
where he had seen the Earl's brother get his death's wound, 
he did not consider that as an affair worth acquainting him 
with, but steps away home. And although the Earl was about 
to enter the house, for the purpose of repressing the tumult, 
he does not request Henderson's assistance, though he 
doubtless considered him as the trustiest of all his servants. 

Whoever reflects on these particulars, together with his 
sitting chatting at home with his wife, w T hen all the rest of 
the town was in a hubbub : and his composedly taking his 
usual walk on the evening of such a day as that must have 
been in Perth, and that in the midst of rain too, are any 
thing but sceptics, if they believe his tale. 

This desertion on the part of Henderson, is far from 
being that unimportant circumstance, which it may appear 
to some. As it w T as a very surprising step, it must have o- 
riginated from some extraordinary cause. And fear, or a 
dread of personal harm, is the only one which readily pre- 
sents itself, as likely to occasion such conduct. But upon 
farther consideration we find, that it could not possibly be 
owing to this. For had that been the case, he certainly 
would have chosen some other place, to have concealed him- 
self in, than his own house, which seems to have been at no 
great distance, because, if wanted, he would naturally be 
sought for there, and there he would soon have been found. 

He says, that there were some persons in company with 
Gowry, when he passed him at the gate, but he did not 
know them. It appears from Christie's evidence, that these 
-were Thomas Cranston, servant to Gowry, Alexander and 
Harry Ruthven of Freeland, Hugh Moncrieff, brother to 
William Moncrieff of Moncrieff, and Patrick Eviot, bro- 
ther to the Laird of Balhousie. The first of these was fel- 
low servant with Henderson, being Gowry's principal do- 
mestic; the second and third were relations of Gowry's, and 
lived five miles off; the fourth was brother-in-law to one of 
the Ruthvens of Freeland ; his sister being married to Wil- 
liam Ruthven, and mother to the first Lord Ruthven of 
Freeland; and Moncrieff House is three miles distant from 
Perth ; the fifth was brother, as has been said, to Mr Eviot 
of Balhousie, not half a mile from Perth. Yet the Earl of 
Gowry's factor did not know any one of these ! But had 
Henderson said, that these were the people, whom he saw 
in Gowry's company, when he passed out at the gate, he 

S'2 



140 

might have committed himself, as they might have brought 
evidence to the contrary. He therefore evaded this danger, 
by mentioning no names. These gentlemen, indeed, were 
aJJ afterwards declared rebels, traitors, &c. and all fled, ex- 
cept Cranston, who was executed; so that, though they had 
been named by Henderson, they would have had no oppor- 
tunity of contradicting him. But at the time when he e- 
mitted his declaration, he could not foresee that, excepting 
with respect to Cranston. 

The real state of the matter seems to be, that he acted 
no part in the tragedy. And as in the narrative he was 
said to have been the principal character who survived, it 
of course was necessary to represent his part as being acted 
before the company assembled, and his exit taking place, 
unobserved by any one, excepting indeed Sir John Ramsay, 
who says, that when he entered the chamber, he saw a man, 
along with the king, and Mr Ruthven, but remembers no- 
thing of either his dress or physiognomy. 

That part of the story, which supposes tlie meeting of 
the two brothers, at this time, is extremely aukward. The 
king's death had previously been fully determined, else why 
strike at him with a dagger ? Now, though his eloquence 
might cause Alexander, to whom it was addressed, relent, 
and go down to consult his brother afresh : how came the 
Earl, who was not in the house, to know of this ? And how 
did each know in what precise minute the other was to be 
met with on the stairs ? And how could Alexander assure 
the king that " his life should be safe if he behaved himself 
quietly" ? There seems to be only one way of solving all 
these questions, and that is by supposing, all the difficulties 
were got over by the agency of the " magical characters and 
words of enchantment," in the " little close parchment bag," 
which we have already heard of. 

The absurdity of supposing it possible, that any man in 
a state of mind short of absolute insanity, would entrust the 
executive part of such an enterprise, as the murder of king 
James, to any person, without acquainting him with what 
was expected of him, has already been taken notice of. But 
the giving the king in charge to Henderson, after he had 
taken so decided a part in His Majesty's favour, as to wrench 
the dirk from Alexander when he " minted" to stab him^ 
was a step, at least, equally preposterous. 

Ci Alexander very speedily returned," and brought the 



141 
king's final doom; from the Earl, we are to infer, for at 
his entering, he " sayde he could not mend it," consequent- 
ly, as he went out, evidently with the intention of bringing 
in the Earl for the accommodation of matters ;— as he had 
seen, and conversed with him, and then returned with the 
death-warrant, instead of a pardon, — we may fairly presume, 
that this confirmation of the former sanguinary sentence, 
proceeded from Gowry. James says, that Alexander, when 

he "left the king in the little study, ranne down the 

stairs in great haste." Henderson, on the contrary, swears, 
That " he past not from the door as he believes." In com-? 
posing the discourse they should, at least, have compared 
notes. According to Henderson's account, unless the Earl 
came up to the door of the closet, the two brothers could 
not meet, and unless they did meet, the bloody order which 
Alexander carried back, could not come from the Earl, 
which evidently is the idea that is meant to be conveyed by 
this part of the story : and as Lennox tells us, that when the 
Earl left him, and the others, who were in the court looking 
for the king, he returned " incontinent." So that it is im- 
probable that he went up to the closet door. 

The mode in which Alexander is said to have proceed- 
ed to put the sentence in execution, sets all credibility at 
defiance. It appears in* the sequel, that James was the 
strongest man, Henderson had decidedly taken the king's 
part. The only chance which Alexander then had, of be- 
ing able to effect his purpose, must have been secured by 
taking His Majesty unawares : yet at his incoming, instead 
of instantly burying the dagger in his breast, he takes care 
to acquaint him with the dismal tidings, by casting " his 
Jiands abroad in a desperate manner," and exclaiming " he 
could not mend it, His Majesty behoved to die," and for 
that purpose proceeded to bind His Majesty's hands. This 
was virtually telling the king, By God, it is not in my pow- 
er, may it please your Majesty, to save your Majesty's life, 
my brother has resolved on taking it, and although I could 
willingly have spared your Majesty, yet he commands me 
to cut your throat. To prevent you, Sire, from making 
any resistance, it will be proper to pinion your Majesty : 
please then turn your arms behind your Majesty's back. 
Here is a garter for binding them ! James objected to this, 
refusing to be bound ; on which Alexander seized him by 
pjiQ or both hands. But here the forward youth found that 



142 

jhe had caught a Tarter ; for Henderson " pulled the gar- 
ter out of -his hands," and " His Majesty suddenly re- 
lieved himself of his gripps." We never heard but once 
of the poinard : Alexander now attempts to draw his sword, 
which was still in its scabbard, but the king seized his hand, 
and prevented that. Each now seized the other by the 
throat, and the king eventually proved the stoutest, for he 
w per force drove him" (Alexander) " to the window, which 
he had caused the other man to open." It may be worth 
while to notice here, that according to James's account, he 
had caused Henderson to open the window, while Alex- 
ander was out conversing with the Earl : but Henderson, 
in both his examinations, depones, that it was not until the 
king and Alexander were wrestling, that he opened the 
window. 

Another discrepancy of the same kind may likewise be 
noticed here. Lennox and Mar swear, that when the king 
thrust his head and shoulders out at the window, the hand 
had hold of his cheek and mouth. Henderson, on the con- 
trary, both at Falkland and Edinburgh, declares, that he 
took Alexander's hand from James's mouth, before he o- 
pened the window. Now these noblemen were standing on 
the street, at a considerable distance from the house ; the 
window is in the fourth story, and- was filled with wood in 
place of glass ; so that they could not be misled by their 
memory suggesting what actually happened before the win- 
dow was opened, as having taken place after. From such 
instances, we may learn what dependence to place on the 
evidence of such witnesses. 

That part of the narrative which represents Gowry as 
endeavouring to have the king left alone in his house, by 
persuading the attendants, that he had taken horse, and 
was away to Falkland, is at best a silly contrivance ; which, 
though it had succeeded, in the first instance, could have 
been of no real service. Indeed by getting rid of them, he 
might, in the mean time, have had leisure to butcher His 
Majesty, but how was that to serve him afterwards ? This 
could only be a very temporary shift. The courtiers could 
not proceed far on their way home, till they learned that the 
king was not on before : and on their arrival at Falkland, 
they would know it to be a certainty. Before midnight 
they would again have ranged themselves before Gowry's 
.gate in Perth, with a force sufficient to overturn every ob- 



143 

stacle, which he could put in their way, and demanded of 
him, how he had disposed on their sovereign. Then 
what purpose would have been served, by sending them 
away without the king ? 

Nor is this the only objection that occurs ft) that part of 
the story* The Earl, if he meant to impose on the king's 
servants, would surely have given his own porter instruc- 
tions how to act, as it must have been foreseen, that if any 
doubt of the king's departure should arise, he would have 
been applied to for intelligence. But so far was that from 
being done, that Christie depones, that he in the most une- 
quivocal terms stated to Lennox, Mar, and Gbwry, the 
impossibility of the king having left the place. 

The account of the manner in which Gowry procured 
the helmet from Henderson's house, as given by James, in 
another part of the discourse, which is pressed with insupe- 
rable difficulties, and consequently must invalidate the evi- 
dence of these witnesses who attest it as a fact. And it like- 
wise affords a remarkable instance of the difficulty there al- 
ways is, in making the several parts of such a fabrication 
as this is, fit one another. 

Thomas Erskin depones, that he and his brother James 
were at some distance without the court, when they heard 
the king cry from the window, and that they then ran to» 
afford him assistance, when they met Gowry. Him they 
seized, and throwing him down, had some words with him,' 
when his servants interposed, and rescued him. He then 
went into the town for armour, as he had none at that time* 
All this must have taken up a considerable space of time. 
Ramsay, again, was standing at the stable door, when the 
king called from the window. Immediately he came into 
the court, and ran up the turnpike stair, and into the cham- 
ber, the door of which Henderson had just opened and the 
instant Ramsay entered, Henderson went out, and passed 
precipitately down the stair, and out at the gate, without 
stopping. All this, according to Ramsay's and Hender- 
son's depositions, could not occupy more than two minutes i 
yet in that short period, the Erskins came from a place at 
some distance, after he heard the king's voice, had a scuffle 
with the Earl, and then with his servants, at the gate ; the 
Earl went to Henderson's house in the town, procured the 
steel bonnet, returned with it, and was standing at the gatej 
as Henderson says, that on going furth, he saw Gowry 



standing at the gate, with his helmet on his head* This 
requires but a short comment. It is impossible that it could 
have happened as stated by the witnesses. 

On this occasion too, Thomas Erskin informs us of a 
piece of very istrange conduct in himself and his brother 
James. He heard the king call from the window of an up- 
per apartment, fye, help ! they are murdering me ! 

In such an emergency, there Certainly was not a second of 
time to lose. One would have expected, that nothing should 
divert them from giving His Majesty instant relief. They 
accordingly proceeded to do so, by running towards the 
house. But on their way thither, seeing Gowry standing 
before his own door, they deferred assisting the king, and 
set upon the Earl, although unarmed, and noway con- 
cerned in the matter, as far as they could perceive. We 
shall have occasion afterwards to account for this suspicious 
conduct. 

The story of notary Sprott, only, now remains to be in- 
vestigated. It seems never to have been believed by any one 
of either party. Even Spottiswoodj though he officiated at 
Sprctt's trial as a judge, and at his execution as a clergy- 
man, and pretended to believe in Gowry's guilt ; avows his 

incredulity in this matter. He says " the confession 

of Sprctt — i — seemed a very fiction, and to be a mere in- 
veiii/loii of the man's own brain." And Lord Cromarty, 
though a furious party-man, and a professed believer in 
Gowry's and Logan's guilt, could not prevail on himself to 
insert the letter from Logan to Gowry, which forms part 
of Sprott's confession, when copying the rest of that con- 
ission: the tragedy being so evident, when this copy and 
the one produced at Logan's trial are compared. Yet 
Cromarty's pretensions, as a writer, to ingenuousness or 
honesty are truly, very slender, where his iavourite system is 
in question. 

But indeed it is impossible for any one, minutely to ex- 
amine the several circumstances, connected with Sprott's 
narrative, without being convinced, that from beginning to 
end, it is a fabrication. 

It is uncertain, whether James's friends originally brought 
forward Sprott, or if they only seized the opportunity, which 
his folly afforded them, of corroborating their own old story, 
of the guilt of the two brothers. Indeed there is reason for 
supposing, that whichsoever of these two was the case, some 



145 

of the ministers had their own private ends principally ia 
view, in driving on the infatuated wretch to destruction. 
History throws some light on this part of the subject, but 
still the path is so obscure that we must chiefly depend on 
conjecture for our guide ; in which case we must either sup- 
pose that when Sprott first broached the matter, he did it 
merely to court attention, and with the view of obtaining 
a reward for this fresh confirmation, of Gowry's guilt, and 
king James's innocence ; or that he made no such declara- 
tion at all, till this confession was wrung from him, by tor- 
ture. Balmerino again being a minister, and therefore in- 
terested in shielding his master from the infamy of the mur- 
der at Perth, and having purchased the estate of Restalrig 
from Logan, the price of which remained unpaid, he ex- 
pected to save his money, by procuring a grant of the es- 
tate from the crown, should he bring about its forfeiture by 
convicting Logan of treason. However, before he could 
bring this to bear, James was obliged by the intrigues of 
Cecil, Spottiswood, and Dunbar, to discard him. Dun- 
bar then stept into his shoes ; and with the same views, 
pushed on Logan's attainder. 

This account of Sprott's discovery is combated by a 
number of circumstances. 

In the first place, It appears from the letters written by 
Logan, in, answer to one which we are to suppose had he re- 
ceived from Gowry, that Logan, at the request of the Earl, 
had returned his (the Earl's) letter, after perusing it, that 
his Lordship might be satisfied, as to its not falling into im- 
proper hands, and for the same reason, Logan desires his 
answer to be returned. Yet Sprott pretended to have found 
both these letters among Logan's papers. This is a gross 
blunder. However, by the time that Logan's trial took 
place, the mistake had been discovered; Gowry's letter 
therefore disappeared; and even Logan's answer was ma- 
terially altered, to serye anotjier purpose. 

Secondly, Logan's answer, as recast for his trial, was 
dated July 29, only six days before the attempt on the king. 
Bowr returned from Perth, after delivering the answer to 
Gowry, on the 3d or 4th, only one or two days before the 
5th of August, on which day, he, no doubt, informed Lo- 
gan, that Gowry's attempt was to be made, and consequent- 
ly, that their arrival at Fastcastle might be expected on that, 
or the following day ; yet, instead of waiting their arrival 

T 



146 

there, as he had promised to do, in his letter to the Earl, 
Sprott informs us that he went away next morning, after 
Bowr's return, and remained in Lothian till the ljth. 

Thirdly, In one of Logan's letters to the unknown ac- 
complice, he desires him to accompany the Earl and his 
brother Alexander in the boat to Fastcastle. From which 
circumstance, it appears that he resided in Perth or that 
neighbourhood. Yet, in a letter written from the Canon- 
gate of Edinburgh, dated July 18, 1600, to his servant 
Laird Bowr, he desires him to " hasten west, as he was 
ill at ease," though he had, that same day, written a letter 
at Fastcastle, and dispatched it by Bowr, to the same un- 
known correspondent. Now, there could be no meaning in 
desiring Bowr to " hasten west," unless he was in the cast 
of Edinburgh, which could not be t}ie pase, if at Perth, or 
that neighbourhood. 

Fourthly, He had dispatched Bowr from Fastcastle, on 
the 1 8th of July, with the letter of that date to the unknown 
person, yet we find him the same day, writing from Ca* 
nongate, to this Bowr, as if sjill at Fastcastle. 

Fifthly, The absurdity of sending a letter to Bowr at a 
place, whence he had that same day been dispatched, is if 
possible exceeded by that of sending a letter to him at all ; 
especially when the writer's life was endangered by a disco-* 
very of the contents. For we learn from Logan's indict- 
ment, that Bowr could not read, but was obliged to employ 
another person to read all writings sent, or belonging to him. 
Vet though Logan had numberless opportunities, when liv- 
ing in the house with him, of imparting his secrets verbally 
to this menial, and might have done it that very morning, 
so soon as he gets forty miles distant, he prefers intimating 
to him in writing, his concern in the plot, and his expecta- 
tion of Dirlton estate as Jus reward, though he knew that 
before Bowr could learn their import, the contents behoved 
to be imparted to some third person ; perhaps the first ac- 
quaintance he should meet with. This behaviour is the 
more to be wondered at in Logan, that according to ano- 
ther part of the history, we find him on other occasions, 
extremely cautious. He does not allow Gowry, though the 
principal in the plot, to retain his letter, though only ad- 
vising the Earl of his accession to the Earl's conspiracy. 
And he seems to exhort Gowry to take care, that the other 
persons engaged in the enterprise be deserving of conn*- 



i47 

dence ! and particularly that his brother Alexander beware 
of blabbing any thing relating to it. He likewise forbears 

Erefixing the third conspirator's address to the letters sent 
im, and even studiously avoids mentioning his name, when 
alluding to him in the letter to Gowry. 

But Sixthly, These letters did not make their appear-* 
ance for upwards of two months after Sprott was apprehend" 
ed, and the original of Gowry's he never pretended to shew, 
so that whert the others made their appearance, they were 
looked upon as forgeries by many people. The letters from 
Logan were indeed sworn to be holograph by him, by se- 
veral respectable witnesses; But we are told that Sprott 
was so celebrated for imitating the writing of other people, 
that none could certainly tell whether the letters were real- 
ly written by Logan or not. However, before Sprott's ex- 
ecution he set that matter at rest. First, he confessed, that 
the letters were merely his own fabrications; afterwards 
when Drinbar returned into the country, and had some con- 
versation With him, he half retracted, by declaring that the 
plot did exists but he still owned that the letters were for- 
geries. It is hot at all unlikely, that Sprott did not at first 
pretend to know any thing of the conspiracy, as was given 
out, but that Balmeririo, for reasons which have been al- 
ready stated, contrived the story, and fixed on Sprott as 
a very proper tool* from his having the inspection of Lo- 
gan's papers. Without this supposition it is difficult to ac- 
count for Sprott's continuing in prison two months, undergo- 
ing the excruciating torture of the Boots, and avoiding being 
ensnared by the captious questions of the privy councillors ; 
and yet when afterwards enlarged from jail, and having his 
legs healed* giving his assent to the whole. Historians tell 
us, that this was brought about by the minion Dunbar pro- 
mising to provide for his family after his death, if he father- 
ed the confession, assuring him, at the same time, that he 
would certainly be executed, whatever the nature of his de- 
claration should be, whether he adhered to the truth, or fa- 
voured the king and his friends, by impeaching Logan. 
But other people give a very different account of the matter. 
They tell us that Dunbar prevailed on him to fabricate the 
letters, and cajoled him into submission to a trial, the pre- 
liminaries of a public execution, and an adherence to his 
confession, even with the rope about his neck, under the 
assurance, that in the instant when about to be thrown over, 

T2 



148 

he (Duflbaf) Would take care to tender him the king's par-* 
don ; but that the crafty courtier, recollecting how they 
were bit, some years before, by Edmonston of Duntreath, 
and knowing that dead men tell no tales, thought it just as 
well to be quit of him. 

Seventhly, Before the day of execution came, it was giv- 
en out, that Sprott would testify his adherence to his nar- 
rative by a sign, even after he was thrown from the ladder. 
And it is related that that sign was then found to be three 
claps with his hands. But if any stress is to be laid upon 
the motions of the body in the moment of dissolution, his 
clapping his hands might as well be interpreted into an ex- 
pression of indignation for being tricked out of his life by a 
villain, as into a confirmation of what he knew well to be 
one of the most diabolical of Falsehoods. Cromarty says 
that this " action" was " strange, and in a manner marvel- 
lous." And truly so it was, for his lordship tells us, that 
it was " when he had hung a pretty space" that " he lift up 
his hands a good height, and clapped them together aloud 
three several times, to the great wonder and admiration of 
all the beholders." Now Johnston, a contemporary histo- 
rian, informs us that Sprott's hands were tied behind his 
back, when he was hanged. This story, though a little out 
of the common track, to be sure, is not more " marvellous" 
than that of the man who, after being beheaded, swam a- 
cross a river, with that same head in his teeth. 

Eighthly, In the second edition of the letter to Gow- 
rv, there is no mention made of the ships and venison which 
are hinted at in the first edition, as expected from England. 
This seems to have been inadvertantly inserted in the first 
edition, with the view of impressing the world with the no- 
tion of there having been a secret understanding with the 
English court ; but on reflection, it would soon occur, that 
those who had been statesmen under Elizabeth at the time, 
would take offence at, and deny this : so it was necessary to 
expunge it. 

Ninthly, The very condemnation and execution of Sprott 
is strong presumption of the falsity of the story. What 
judge would so much as have thought of hanging a man for 
forbearing to reveal what was only constructive treason, in 
an accessary, before conviction of the principal ? What 
could be the inducement for inflicting the severest punish- 
ment of the law on an insignificant procurator in a small 
village, merely for not divulging his client's secrets, when 



149 

the discovery would have been his certain ruin, without be- 
ing beneficial to any one ? (For even taking the account of 
the affair, as published in Sprott's confession, it is very im- 
probable, that he was acquainted with the secret, till Gow*. 
ry was slain, and the danger over.) What, we say, could 
be the reason of such procedure, but a wish to blindfold the 
world, and prevent Sprott's versatility from occasioning any 
obstacles in prosecuting Logan's attainder ? Had there beer* 
any wish to have the truth laid before the public^ Sprott' 
would have been reserved as the only living evidence nat 
could be brought on Logan's trial ; and by the fair < n- 
viction of Logan, and consequently of Gowry, the public 
mind would have been set at rest, with respect to the mys- 
terious affair at Perth; and the heavy load of obloquy re-^ 
moved from the characters of the king and his assistants. The 
Earl's. three servants were hanged for being his accomplices in 
the treasonable attempt on the king, before he, the princi- 
pal, was convicted ; and when, if nothing unfair was design- 
ed, their testimony must have been invaluable; and though 
much fault was found with that step, yet; here we rind one" 
taken exactly parallel. 

Tenthly, The slight acquaintance that Gowry and Res- 
talrig behoved to have of each other, is another strong pre- 
sumption that Sprott's story is a falsehood. The Earl, when 
he set out on his travels, was but a very young man, and 
till a short time before that, he was only a younger brother, 
and being under the tuition of Mr, afterwards Professor, 
Rollock, and Mr Bruce of Kinnaird, the two most celebra- 
ted clergymen of their day, who were careful to instil the 
principles of sound morality and piety into their pupil, we 
may rest assured, that before he went abroad, no great in- 
timacy could subsist between him and Logan, a man far ad- 
vanced in life, and of the most dissolute manners. After 
his return, [May 20], only six weeks elapsed, before the 
beginning of July, when Sprott says the correspondence 
relative to the plot was carrying on : a short space of time, 
truly, considering how much of it must have been taken up 
by his private affairs, after an absence of six years. Indeed, 
the shortness of the period, only eleven weeks, from the 
20th of May, when he arrived at Ruthven Castle, to the 
5th of August, when the attempt was said to have been made, 
is, of itself, no weak argument against the probability that 
such a conspiracy did exist 



U6 

Eleventhly, The ludicrous attention, which, at the trial 
6f Logan's bones, was paid to the observance of all the mi- 
nute legal forms, was no less strict, than at the trial of the bo- 
dies of the two brothers. The messengers and their witnes- 
ses were brought into court, and made oath, that they really 
executed the summons, and Letters of Relaxation, freeing 
Robert Logan, eldest son to the deceased Restalrig, from the 
Horn ; so that he might freely appear; and make his defence. 
And though they knew that the elder Logan had been dead 
some years, they repeatedly called on him to come and sist 
himself in court. All which proceedings were engrossed 
at length, in the Records. There could be no harm in all 
this. But it appears very absurd, when contrasted with 
their conduct in depriving themselves of the benefit of 
Sprott's evidence. 

So much presumptive evidence as is here brought forward 
in support of the innocence of the two brothers, seldom can 
be produced to establish a fact. On duly weighing it, no 
Unprejudiced mind can entertain a doubt. 



However; for the sake of affording more general satis- 
faction, we shall now consider the fourth system, or that 
which supposes the whole a conspiracy of James and his ad- 
herents, to exterminate and rob the house of Gowry, and 
that without any just provocation; 

In investigating this hypothesis; the question that first 
presents itself is, What inducement could James and his a- 
bettors have, to perpetrate a deed of such enormity ? 

We have already seen, that James's character was of 
that stamp, which befits a man for deeds the most cruel, and 
villanous that possibly can be conceived. So that neither 
feeling for the sufferings of others, nor regard to his own 
reputation, had restraint upon his actions. 

Again, for a number of years, he had been struggling 
to abolish Presbytery, and set up Episcopacy in Scotland. 
On this subject there had been much keen Contention betwixt 
him and a part of the clergy* who disdained to court Roy- 
al favour at the expense of what they conceived to be their 
duty. At the time of Gowry's return; His Majesty had 
nearly succeeded in effecting a complete ehange. A num- 



151 

ber of the ministers, indeed, still refused to submit, bu| 
they were without a head among the nobility, none of whom 
dared to disoblige their monarch, more especially as he was 
soon to succeed to the crown of England, when he would 
Jiave it in his power amply to repay the services of his 
friends, and resent the actions of such of his subjects, as he 
had found refractory. Gowry, upon his return from his 
travels, was precisely what the popular party in the Kirk 
wanted for a leader. Being opulent, he had it in his power 
to be independent, at a time when the chief of his compeers 
were pensioners to a man who himself lived on charity* 
His house had long been remarkable for an attachment 
to the Protestant religion ; in particular, his father, Earl 
William, lost his head for his exertions in the cause of 
liberty. John had been educated under his father's eye, 
by Messrs Bruce and Rollock, both staunch Presbyterians, 
who zealously opposed James's darling scheme of church 
government, to the end of their lives. Under such precep- 
tors, there can be no doubt, that the religious principles, 
in which the young Earl was educated, were strictly Puri- 
tanical ; principles which he seems not to have abandoned in 
his riper years, although they had by that time become un- 
courtly, and of course unfashionable. For on his way home 
from Italy, not quite a year before his death, he resided se-< 
veral months at Geneva, in the house of Theodore Beza, 
the chief of the Presbyterians, who, we are told, held him 
in such estimation, that he never mentioned his untimely 
death without shedding tears; and who sent an offer of en- 
tertainment in his house to the two younger brothers, when 
they went into exile, 

If the Earl was unfriendly to James's system of church- 
government, it appears from Calderwood's M. S. History, 
that in civil affairs he was not more complaisant. For at a 
convention of the states, which was held, during the short 
ppace that intervened, from his return to Scotland, till his 
death, we hear of his opposing the court in some of its op- 
pressive modes of levying taxes ; and of the courtiers whis- 
pering among themselves, that his destruction was resolved 
on in consequence. 

Peaceably to submit to opposition from any subject, es- 
pecially in any thing relating to prerogative, was the last 
thing that James could think off; he having no conception 
of a limited monarchy ; but, on the contrary, both in prin- 



152 

ciple and practice, avowed that the king is above all law. 
So that, the line of conduct which he had chalked out for 
himself rendered the destruction of the house of Ruthven, 
not so much a matter of choice as of necessity. But he had 
other motives, besides envy and ambition, for cutting off this 
family. Had these been his only incentives, perhaps he 
might have been contented with the destruction of the Earl 
alone. But being much embarrassed in pecuniary affairs, 
living partly on a pension from the English Queen, and 
having a numerous assemblage of ravenous parasites about 
his court; every one of whom seems to have depended on 
him for subsistence ; and many of whom, seem to have been 
disposed to go any length, in assisting him to provide for 
them ; he was at times, put to pitiful shifts, to hide his po- 
verty. On the other hand, the family of Gowry was very 
rich. Here then, was, a fair opening for those unprincipled 
ruffians, to gratify their malice, ambition, and avarice, at 
one and the same time ; for, by destroying the Ruthven fa- 
mily, they supplied their wants, at the expense of those 
whom they considered as their enemies. 

It may be urged, that, even admitting this, it is very 
probable that James would either have preferred a public 
trial before a packed court on a fabricated charge of some 
crime, as he did in Earl William's case, or private assassi- 
nation, to this method of cutting off Gowry. But the mode 
adopted was preferable to either of these in several respects. 
The universal execration vented against those, whq had any 
hand in Earl William's death, might well deter the majority 
of the nobility from again engaging in a similar undertaking. 
Perhaps too, it was impossible to devise a method of fixing 
a crime of sufficient magnitude upon Gowry. For though 
a kind of sham conviction of treason was made out, partly 
by overstrained inferences, and partly by manifest perjury, 
yet this was not attempted till after his death. Had he been 
allowed any thing like even the shadow of a trial, whilst 
alive, he could have resisted these falsehoods, and have re- 
presented facts in a different light. 

It may be said, that James put many persons to death, 
on a charge of witchcraft, and what, it may be asked, hin- 
dered him from having recourse to that method, if no better 
occurred, of legally taking off Gowry ? But before follow- 
ing any course, it is proper to observe all its bearings ; anc} 
in the present case, besides, there was danger not merely 



153 

of the accused escaping; but of his accusers subjecting therii- 
selves to ridicule. For the defence which John Earl of 
Gowry would have made from an accusation of sorcery, 
would certainly have been of a kind very different, from 
that of the ignorant old women, who were the usual objects 
of James's superstitious cruelty. Nor is this alL Supposing 
Gowry convicted of magic, it would have been difficult and 
dangerous, perhaps impossible, for all the power that James 
possessed to execute the sentence. The Earl was a distin- 
guished favourite of Elizabeth, Queen of England, on which 
account, James would not dare, openly, to lift his hand a- 
gainst him. He was no less the darling of his countrymen, 
and James, though he had long before this, begun, syste- 
matically to encroach on the liberties of the country, still 
wanted the means of promptly executing his arbitrary mea- 
sures, afforded by a standing army : and though the people 
of Scotland, at that period, were far from having the same 
notions of liberty, that now prevail, they were by no means 
insensible to the exertions made in their cause, by the house 
of Ruthven ; and they often testified their gratitude and at- 
tachment. It was only sixteen years before this, indeed, 
that James beheaded William, the first Earl, merely because 
he opposed his unconstitutional government. But then, he 
found it necessary to do this precipitately, and in one of the 
strongholds belonging to the crown ; and notwithstanding 
all this caution an attempt was made, by the country to 
rescue him. 

So far back as A.- D. 1 544, we find, that when Arran, 
at the instigation of cardinal Beaton, directed William Lord 
Ruthven to be turned out of his office of provost of Perth, 
the inhabitants of that city rose, armed themselves, and re- 
pulsed Chartris of Kinfauns, who was appointed to succeed 
him, killing a number of his followers, and by that means, 
retained Ruthven in the mayoralty. 

And, amongst a number of other instances, we find, 
that the town-council annually elected John, provost, dur- 
ing the five years he was abroad. And when the townsmen 
learned that he and his brother were slain, August 5, they 
seem to have resolved to sacrifice the murderers, to their 
own attachment to the family. 

And supposing, still farther, that Gowry had been con-* 
demned and executed for witchcraft; though the malice of 
his enemies might have been gratified, so far, yet by that 



154 

mode of procedure, nothing was afforded to satisfy their a* 
varice. The heritable property was no otherwise affected, 
than by passing to the next in succession of the family; 

The same objection holds against secret assassination. 
Had the Earl been taken out of the way, by that means, 
there were still other three brothers, besides sisters, alive, 
which rendered the extermination of the family, by this 
method, tedious, uncertain, and liable to detection. Long 
before this time, James had tried both these ways of making 
off with his obnoxious subjects. Mains and Drumquhasil 
were murdered, under the semblance of justice, by means 
of suborned witnesses^ The Earl of Murray was privately 
assassinated by Huntly, under the authority of a secret war- 
rant by James* Now, although His Majesty, by these con- 
trivances, got quit of his enemies; yet his villany was com- 
pletely exposed by succeeding occurrences : a consequence 
which it was prudent to avoid, where the object of his re- 
sentment was held in such estimation, by a neighbouring 
powerful sovereign, a numerous vassalage, and a great ma- 
jority of his countrymen. 

Such are the motives which may have actuated James 
and his associates to adopt this mode of exterminating the 
principal branch of the Ruthvens. And the following cir- 
cumstances warrant us in presuming that they certainly 
did so. 

In the first place, It has already been observed, that it 
was reported at that time, that a few days before the affair at 
Perth, the king wrote to the Earl, inviting him to visit 
Falkland, and there spend some time, in the diversion of the 
chace ; and that the card of invitation was found in Gowry's 
pocket after his death. We have no positive proof of this ; 
but the manner of Alexander's appearance there, as related 
by the king himself, seems to corroborate that report. His 
hanging on the king all morning, as related in the discourse, 
countenances this supposition very much. Had Alexan- 
der's errand merely been to invite the king to come and take 
possession of " a pose," less time than five hours would have 
been sufficient to determine whether he would go or not : 
and after he had taken his resolution, Alexander must have 
been very impertinent, indeed, to continue urging him to 
leave off before the end of the chace; an event which might 
have been expected every moment. The fact seems to be 
this ; The king had sent for Gowry, or his brother Alexan- 



155 

der, to Falkland that morning, for the purpose of covering 
his own design upon them, by representing whichsoever of 
them accepted of the invitation, as having come for the pur- 
pose of drawing His Majesty into the snare. 

Secondly, The number of attendants, who went to Perth 
with the king, on this occasion, affords strong presumption 
that something more was in view, than merely to rob one 
man of his money, who was already bound and in confine- 
ment. And the eagerness manifested by the Royal Party, 
to diminish the account of their numbers, is evidence that 
they were aware of this. They had no occasion to bring 
this subject on the carpet at all, far less to strive to conceal 
the truth, (as we know that they certainly did,) if they had 
no sinister views, 

James, in his manifesto, says, that his whole train did not 
exceed fifteen persons in number. Lennox and Mar men- 
tion only twelve attendants who accompanied the king into 
Gowry's hall. Mr Rynd, too, swore, That in "his opinion 
the king's company was within a dozen of men." But per- 
haps another stroke or two of the hangman's maul on the 
wedges of Mr Rynd's boots, would have struck off a few 
more from this number. How many persons accompanied 
His Majesty to Perth on this occasion, we pretend not to 
ascertain : but we know of twenty, viz. Lennox, Mar, Inch- 
affray, Lindores, the three Erskins, Orchil, Balgowan, 
Ramsay, Harris, William Stewart, John Murray, John 
Hamilton, Finlay Tailzies, George Wilson, Robert Cak 
braith, Robert Brown, and the two Bogs. It is very pro- 
bable, that the number was much larger, as several of the 
above only came to our knowledge fortuitously. For in- 
stance, we never would have heard of Finlay Tailzies, who 
perhaps was clerk of the kitchen, had not Inchaffray inad- 
vertently acquainted us that he was one of that division 
which overtook him at Strathmiglo. Again, we should 
have known of no more than two Erskins being in the com- 
pany, viz. Thomas and James, had not Cromarty informed 
us, that he saw an attestation, in the hand-writing of George 
Erskin of Invertile, another brother, stating, that he " then" 
i. e. when the magical characters were abstracted from Gow- 
ry's person, received them from his brother Thomas, who, 
we are told, " did take" them " out of the Earl of Gowry's 
girdle." 

This number, however, was of itself, fully sufficient to 
U 2 



156 

overpower Gowry, and his servants, taken, as they were, 
unawares. But in case more assistance should have been 
necessary, the Murrays were at hand. And it does not 
appear, that these were kept as a corps de reserve ; for we 
find a servant of Tullibardine's in the chamber, immediately 
after Gowry was killed : and it is very probable, that he 
assisted in the murder, as he was wounded in attempting 
to prevent Go wry's servants or friends from entering the 
room, at least he gave out so : and in sharing the plunder, 
some of the best articles, as the baronies of Ruthven and 
Scone, and the SherrifFalty of Perth, fell to the Murrays. 

Thirdly, In the number of James's servants who came 
to Perth with him, we find several whom we would sup-? 
pose it was not customary to carry with him on excur-? 
sions of this kind. For instance, the two Bogs, the one 
porter, and the other butler, were the very last of his do-* 
mestics whom we should expect to hear of following, when 
he meant to be absent only a few hours. But butlers and 
porters are usually stout, and often daring fellows ; it was 
therefore prudent for James to have people of that descrip- 
tion in his band, as it was uncertain what occasion there 
might be for their services, in such an enterprise. And in- 
deed it is difficult to conceive what purpose these persons 
were designed for at this time, unless it was to assist in the 
assassination of the Ruthvens, It was not. their business to 
attend the king's person ; and they could not be wanted for 
apprehending, and securing the strange man ; Alexander 
Ruthven having done that by himself, the evening before. 
He was still to make one of the company; and if more as- 
sistance should be wanted the municipality of Perth was at 
command. 

Dr Harris too, the court physician and surgeon was one 
of the party. Being lame, little assistance was to be ex- 
pected from his sword. But in case any of the royalists 
had been wounded, his tournequests, forceps, and needles, 
behoved to be of inestimable value. 

Fourthly, The attendants took care likewise to be arm- 
ed. We find those who had been > hunting all morning, 
without arms, stop, notwithstanctmg of their haste to. ac- 
company the king, till their swords were brought. James, 
indeed, takes occasion to let us know, as it were by the by, 
that he himself had nothing except his hunting horn about 
him. But that was of no consequence. All the world knew 



157 

him to be a coward, consequently the want of offensive arms 
on his part, could be no loss to his friends: but so general- 
ly armed were they, that Rynd was questioned if he saw any 
other arms than swords in the king's company, as if their 
purpose could not be effected without a regiment of mus- 
keteers or a park of artillery. However, we cannot help 
observing, that from the question being put to Rynd, we 
suspect that there was a report at that time, of some other 
species of armour besides swords, being in the company. 

Fifthly, It is evident, that the conspirators took care not 
to leave Falkland, or travel all in a body. As an instance 
of this, the abbot of Inchaffray tells us of a bare-laced trick 
played by him, that he might join the party unobserved, 
and as it were by chance. He says that he left Falkland in 
the morning, to go M the highway to Inchaffray ;" yet at 
half past eleven o'clock, he was standing on the road to 
Perth, at less than four miles from Falkland, and when the 
king and his friends came up to the abbot, he mounted horse, 
and joined them : but instead of going " the highway to 
Inchaffray," he "accompanied His Majesty to Perth," where, 
though he does not say that he had any business, or knew 
any thing of the man and gold, and though he saw the bus- 
tle into which Gowry's family was put, in providing dinner, 
instead of giving it relief, by taking himself away, he stops, 
dines, assists at murdering his host, and then, instead of 
going to Inchaffray, returns to Falkland. This is the more 
remarkable, that Alexander refused to breakfast with him 
in the morning, of course he was under no obligation to in- 
vite himself to dinner with the Earl. In fact there is little 
ground for doubting, that his falling in with, and accom- 
panying the king to Perth, was a preconcerted scheme. Inch- 
affray tells us too, that there were only five with the king, 
when they came up to him : some indeed, who had been 
hunting, stopped at Falkland, and changed horses, and got 
swords. But it was not that which detained them, for Len- 
nox waited till he got a sword, and a fresh horse, yet he 
was one of those who composed this first division, led on 
by James himself. The simple truth evidently is this, they 
wished not to appear in a body together. 

Sixthly, The precaution taken by the conspirators to 
separate the two brothers, before massacring them, is fur- 
ther evidence of the design. As they, especially the Earl* 



158 

were known to be men of considerable personal prowess," 
this stratagem seems to have been nothing but what was 
dictated by prudence; for had they been attacked when to- 
gether, there was a possibility of their defending themselves, 
till the townsmen were alarmed, which might have been 
done in a few minutes, by calling from a window. The 
pretence under which James says, Alexander induced him 
to send the Earl out of the apartment where he had dined, 
is too shallow to have duped even a child. It was to drink 
the health of the king's attendants, who were at dinner in 
the hall ; and as he went out to do so, His Majesty went out 
likewise. This could only detain Gowry a very short time, 
and it is highly improbable, that he would remain long with 
the king's followers, while the king himself was in the house. 
When he returned then, into the place, where he had left 
His Majesty, only a few minutes before, and found him gone, 
what would be the consequence ? Could any step have been 
more likely to occasion a stir in the company, than the sur- 
prise arising from such elopement? 

If it be answered, that there could have been no sur- 
prise, nor consequent agitation, as His Majesty passed a- 
way through the hall, in sight of Gowry, where he was em- 
ployed in " entertayning" the company, it must be grant- 
ed, that this is true. But, that being the case, where, was 
the utility of sending out the Earl at all? If he was to wit- 
ness James and Alexander retiring by themselves, might 
he not have done it in the " chamber" as well as in the 
"halle"? 

But further, On the supposition of the two brothers hav- 
ing a design on the king's life, what must have been their 
drift, on thus separating at the very crisis when their u- 
nited efforts were most wanted? 

The only answer to this question, at all plausible, is, 
that it was designed that the Earl should divert the atten- 
tion of the attendants, while Alexander was perpetrating 
the murder. But the futility of this must strike every one, 
who reflects, that the king's party was in possession of the 
house : they saw His Majesty, in Alexander's company, 
pass to another apartment ; of course, it was a duty, which 
they would certainly fulfil, to insist on having his person 
produced in safety. 

But all these difficulties are removed an once, by only 
admitting what evidently was the simple fact, viz. that it 



159 

was part of the plot, first to take off one, then another of 
the brothers ; and that, for this purpose, James led Alex- 
ander away from Gowry, and the greater part of the king's 
followers : a circumstance, which, as it took place before 
servants, could not be concealed, and therefore this story 
of Alexander desiring the king to send away Gowry, was 
given out, to cover it. 

Seventhly, Another strong presumption, that there was 
a regular preconcerted plot to murder the two brothers, is 
afforded by the deposition of Thomas Erskin, who con- 
fesses, that so soon as he heard His Majesty " cry furth 
of the window" for help, he (Erskin) and his brother " grip- 
ed" Gowry " by the neck, and said to him, traitor, this is 
thy deed ;" the certain prelude to his death, we may be 
sure, had not his servants interposed. Discomfited in this 
quarter, the Erskins joined Ramsay, and assisted him in 
destroying his antagonist, or rather victim. 

The villany here is so obvious, that it must be super- 
fluous to enlarge on the matter ; suffice it to ask, If there 
is any probability of such persons as the Erskins were " clasp- 
ing the Earl of Gowry by the garter, casting him under 
their feet, and wanting" L e. wishing for " a dagger to have 
strucken him with" merely because two men were fighting 
in his house ? 

Eighthly, It is an observation which has frequently been 
made, that presumptive evidence is often more satisfactory, 
than that which is positive or direct. This must especially 
be the case, where a number of circumstances, each of which, 
is in some measure insulated from the others, concur in es- 
tablishing the same fact. Such is more convincing than 
evidence arising from the declaration of witnesses, because 
they may be in a mistake, they may be prejudiced, or they 
may be interested. 

But if a case shall occur, where these two species of e- 
vidence are conjoined ; where a considerable body of cir- 
cumstantial proof supports the direct testimony of witness- 
es, without a single circumstance of a countervailing na- 
ture, sceptical indeed must he be who doubts the fact. 
And further, if these circumstances are pointed and nume- 
rous ; and if the declaration of the witnesses is direct ; and 
they themselves interested in concealing what they disco- 
ver ; the evidence then ranks in the highest degree of hu- 
man probability. 



160 

This is precisely the case in the Gowry Conspiracy/ 
We have seen that such a number of circumstances have comer 
to light, as must satisfy every reasonable unbiassed man, 
that king James and his followers murdered the two bro- 
thers ; and we are now to hear this corroborated by the di- 
rect, unequivocal, and unqualified testimony of James him- 
self and a number of his accessaries. To those who have 
been accustomed to hear of the Gowry Conspiracy as a mys- 
terious transaction which never has been, and very probably 
never will be understood, we are aware that this will appear 
a rash assertion. But the matter is too explicit to leave 
ground for altercation. 

In the " discourse," or narrative Of that affair, written, 
it is said, by James, and published by authority, we are 
told, that upon his coming to close quarters with Alexan- 
der Ruthven in the study, he was the stronger man, for 
" His Majesty per force drove him" Alexander " to the 
window." Next " His Majesty— — brought him per force 
out of that study." Lastly, we are told that " His Majesty 

having gotten the said Alexander's head under his arm* 

and himself on his knee, His Majesty drove him back per 
force hard to the door of the said turnpike." Thus James 
tells us, that in the struggle, he was able first to drag Alex- 
ander to the window of the study, then out of the studyj 
and lastly, to push him back to the door at the top of the 
stairs. 

Ramsay again depones, that when he entered the cham- 
ber, H he sees His Majesty and Mr Alexander Ruthven in 
others arms, striving and wrestling together, His Majesty 
having Alexander's head under his arm, and Mr Alexan- 
der being almost on his knees." 

Alexander, thus completely mastered, had it not in his 
power to hurt either king or courtier. He was under the 
king, on his knees ; Henderson, who had declared his reso- 
lution to befriend the king, was standing by with a drawn 
dagger in his hand; Ramsay had entered the apartment 
with his sword drawn ; Mr Alexander's sword was still in 
its sheath. Under these circumstances, what had they to 
apprehend from him : They ran no risk by preserving him 
alive. He could neither hurt them, nor escape. Nor is that 
all. According to the king's declaration, and Henderson's 
deposition, Alexander, only a few minutes before, had told 
them that he was not a principal in the plot, but that he had 



16i 

his instructions from his brother the Earl. If he told this, 
why kill him ? Why not reserve him alive for a public tri- 
al, and by means of his evidence, discover the extent of the 
conspiracy, so that the principal traitors might be brought 
to justice ? Calderwood tells us, that when Mr Robert 
Bruce, some months afterwards, pressed the king for the 
reason of his putting Mr Ruthven to death, when he might 
have saved him, James at first alleged that it was done in 
his own defence. Bruce asked, " Why brought yee him 
not to justice, seeing yee should have had God before your 
eyes ?" " I had neither God nor the Devil, man, before my 
eyes," said His Majesty, " but my own defence." But re- 
collecting, no doubt, that this was in direct contradiction 
to his former declaration, he instantly got into ill humour 
with the impertinent parson, swearing that he " was once 
minded to have spared Mr Alexander, but the motion of 
killing him prevailed." 

Thus, if we are to credit the testimony of the three indi- 
viduals who survived, (and we have no other,) self defence 
was altogether out of the question. Indeed it is clear to a de- 
monstration, even taking the murderer's account of the mat- 
ter, that Alexander's death was resolved on before this ; 
and that all those who had an immediate hand in it were in 
the secret. Henderson says that the instant Ramsay enter- 
ed the chamber, without enquiring into the nature of the 
fray, he stabbed Mr Ruthven, although he saw that he had 
the worst of it, being down on his knees in the struggle. 
James, again, does not desire Ramsay to assist him in se- 
curing Mr Alexander. So far from that, that he gives in- 
structions how to dispatch him quickly, by cutting his throat, 
or neck, as his trunk was secured by defensive armour.* 
" Strike him high," said His Majesty, " for he has an payne 
doublet on." Accordingly Ramsay gave him several wounds, 
and in that state he was pushed over, or " down the stairs." 
But still further, Thomas Erskine, Dr Herries, and Wil- 
son the servant, were only " five steps" from the bottom of 
the stairs, when Mr Alexander, in this deplorable state, 
wounded and bleeding, fell in with them. They were ig- 
norant of the nature of the fracas which had taken place in 
the upper part of the house. They had no opportunity of 
knowing that Mr Ruthven was so much as engaged in it. 

X. 

* Which, however, seems not to have been the case, as we hear no 
more of it, 



162 

Ramsay, indeed, had called from the window, for Erskin 
to come up to the head of the turnpike, but he did not ac- 
quaint him with the reason of this request, far less did he 
direct him to murder every one he should meet with in his 
way. They had no other communication with James, or 
those above. Alexander gave them no provocation. He 
did not so much as speak to them. His sword was in its 
sheath ; of course, they could not even suspect, that he had 
.been the aggressor, in any squabble. Nay, for ought that 
they could learn at this time, he might have been on the 
King's side, if they knew that the King was engaged in the 
affair. At any rate, if innocent, he was an object of pity ; 
if guilty, they could easily have secured the half dead body. 
But instead of that, the moment these bloodhounds set eyes 
on him, without asking him a single question, without wait- 
ing to hear him speak, and without any deliberation, they 
encourage one another to murder him, dart on him, wound- 
ed and unarmed as he was, and quickly " ended him." 

Thus we see that none of them, the King, Ramsay, 
Erskin, Harris, nor Wilson, hesitated a moment, how they 
were to act. They all agreed in taking his life, the moment 
he was within reach of them, and this without any manner 
of consultation among themselves. So that it is evident 
to a demonstration that their resolution was formed before. 

Nearly similar were the circumstances attending the 
Earl's death. After an attempt was made on his life in the 
court, hearing an unusual uproar in the house, Gowry 
thought it prudent not to go in, and investigate the affair, 
unarmed, he therefore borrowed his Steward's helmet, and 
having two swords, went up stairs, accompanied by one ser- 
vant only. Being thus on his guard, the assassins saw that 
it would be a serious matter to take his life, as he seemed 
determined not to fall unrevenged ; they therefore had re- 
course to cunning for effecting their design. It was thus. 
King James VI. all his life had an uncommon predilection 
for sleeping in a whole skin. To ensure which at this time, 
he slipped, or (to take his own word for it) his servants shut 
him back into the closet, till the affair with Gowry should 
be terminated. James's friends seeing the Earl stand on 
the defensive, one of them with the design of putting him 
off his guard said, " You have occasioned the king's death, 
will you also murder us ?" The report of the king being 
dead so astonished the Earl, that he dropped the points of 



163 

his swords on the floor. This was precisely what was want- 
ed. The opportunity was not to be neglected. The ruffian 
Ramsay, came behind, and stabbed him through the heart. 

In this, no less than in the case of Alexander, we obvi- 
ously see deliberate, preconcerted murder. When the Earl 
suffered Ramsay to come behind him, with the naked bloody 
dagger in his hand, he must have had his attention engross- 
ed by some others of the party : for, after they had taken a- 
way his brother's life, Gowry certainly never Would willingly 
put his own in their power. This being the case, Ramsay, 
when he came behind, and stabbed him, might with equal 
facility, have seized and pinioned him. In that he would 
have been assisted by two or three of his accomplices; whilst 
one or two of the others would have parried off Cranston. 

The securing the two brothers at this time, and bringing 
them to trial alive, would have afforded some sort of satis- 
faction to the world. Indeed, the king was called upon by 
every earthly consideration to do this. It was a duty which 
he owed to himself, to his dependants, but especially to the 
house of Ruthven, as the lives and reputation of all these, 
were so much implicated in the charge. And there can be 
no doubt, that had he wished to have the matter fairly and 
openly investigated, he would have preferred this method, 
to that of first taking away the lives of the two noblemen, 
hanging, torturing, and banishing such of their adherents 
as shewed any disposition to manifest their innocence, and 
then bestowing bounties upon perjury and murder in their 
enemies. 

But this, though enough, is not all. The Earl's mur- 
derers give no reason why they put him to death. Even by 
their own account, they did not know, at this time, that he 
had any design upon either the life or liberty of the king. 
An attempt had been made upon his own person, in the 
very court of his own house. He overheard an unaccount- 
able disturbance within doors, and to learn the occasion of 
that, he arms himself, and goes in. At the bottom of the 
stairs he sees the dead body of his brother, evidently mur- 
dered; as his sword was still undrawn. Aware that, under 
such circumstances, the squabble could be of no trivial na- 
ture, he ascends the stair attended by a servant. But so 
unconscious was he of having done any thing deserving 
death, that on his entering the apartment, he lavs himself 

X 2 



164 

open to an attack, whilst the king's servants proceeded ttf 
give an account of the matter. 

Now in all this, so far are we from perceiving any thing 
treasonable, or in the least culpable, that we see no part of 
his conduct, but such as was the duty of every good sub- 
ject. Such considerations, as his being principal in the plot; 
sending his brother and servants to Falkland to decoy the 
king to Perth; his ordering Henderson to arm, take his 
station in the closet, and obey Alexander's directions; and 
the whole et ccBtera of the storjr, even supposing them true, 
cannot have even the smallest weight here; as James and 
his followers inform us, that it was not till afterwards, that 
they became acquainted with all these. 

Thus, it is evident from the account of this transaction, 
voluntarily given by James and his band, that their reason 
lor taking the lives of the Earl and his brother, was neither 
as a punishment of their crimes, nor in preservation of their 
own lives ; but preconcerted murder* in the most unlimited 
sense of the term. 

After such an inference, it may perhaps be thought su* 
perfluous, to take notice of any after circumstances con- 
nected with this transaction. Yet the relation of some inci- 
dents, said to have taken place after the murder was perpe- 
trated, cannot be unentcrtaining, though its utility may 
not be very apparent. 

The first we si all mention, is one which exemplifies the 
depravity of James's character in a religious and moral point 
of view. He tells us, in the discourse, that immediately 
after that division of the assassins which beset the principal 
stair, broke into the chamber where the other, that had 
murdered the two noblemen, was, " His Majesty kneeling 
down on his knees, in the midst of his own servants, and 
they all kneeling found about him, His Majesty out of his 
own mouth, thanked God for that miraculous deliverance 
and victory : assuring himself, that God had preserved him 
from so despaired a perill, for the perfecting of some greater 
work behind, to his glory, and for procuring by him the 
wealeof his people, that God had committed to his charge" ! ! ! 
Very pious truly and withal very modest. It is not at all 
incredible, that every individual of James's company should 
seriously join in this ejaculation, for it is observable, that the 
court usually assimilates its character to that of the prince; 
and we all have heard, that King James the Sixth was very 



165 

devout, as well as very learned. But if we were to believe 
all that he wished us to believe, on the present occasion, we 
would certainly be of opinion, that his piety outran his pru- 
dence, for undoubtedly, it would have shewn no disrespect 
to the Deity, though James and his people had, in the first 
place, searched the house in quest of Gowry's accomplices, 
great numbers of whom, must, if we credit his story, have 
been secreted in it, and in readiness to complete the scheme, 
whether it was to kill, or confine the king. But we are not 
told that James took any steps for this purpose. An omis-< 
sion, which it is difficult to account for any other way, than by 
placing it to the score of the religious notion, which was pre- 
dominant in him at the time. Most people are contented 
with adhering to one religious persuasion, and many even 
to none at all; but James's belief, we have already seen, ex- 
tended to four or five different systems : and, perhaps, at 
that particular period he was in a Calvinistical fit, and, be- 
lieving in predestination, he considered as useless all pre- 
caution for avoiding danger. But to be serious. In what 
estimation can we hold the wretch, who, having perpetrated 
a crime the most atrocious within the reach of man, in- 
stantly goes, as it were, before his Maker and Judge, and 
declares himself perfectly innocent? If James fabricated 
this anecdote, and gave it to the world without any founda- 
tion in truth, in what light must he have appeared, to his 
attendants and servants ? And if he really did address God 
Almighty in this manner, how contemptible must his cha- 
racter have appeared, to those of his accomplices who were 
in the secret ? But, in either case, what a daring action was 
it, thus to insult an Omniscient God ! Indeed, the best 
apology that can be offered for him is, that he did not believe 
in the existence of that Being : as this is less offensive, than 
to acknowledge a Deity, yet treat him with mockery and 
contempt. 

But though the " despaired perill," for escaping which,. 
James pretended to be thus grateful, was only fictitious ; a 
real one, and that of no trivial nature, was impending- 
The occasion and nature of which was this. 

Although in general the plot was contrived in only a 
bungling manner, yet in one part, it was managed artfully 
enough. James was aware, that the world was well ac- 
quainted with his duplicity and cruelty. In particular, his 
antipathy to every man of an independent mind, was well 



166 
known. Consequently, he foresaw the difficulty, of imposing 
on the public this atrocious murder, as self-defence. But 
knowing, that much would depend on the nature of the im- 
pression that should be first made on men's minds, he, in 
order that that might be as favourable as possible, contrived 
to secure one of the magistrates of Perth in his interest 
for that purpose. This was baillie Roy. We can learn 
from his declaration, that he was either an arrant villain, or 
a poor hare-brained idiot, very willing to serve a great man, 
in any shape, as far as his capacity enabled him. By his 
own account, he had sauntered] into Earl Gowry's hall to 
see the great folk eat their dinner. A step fully as befitting 
an idle boy, as the principal resident magistrate of such a 
town as Perth. But the truth seems to be, that he was con- 
sidered as the fittest person to acquaint the townsmen with 
the fate of their chief magistrate, and in doing that, to pre- 
possess them with the notion of Gowry's treason ; and an 
idle curiosity was the only reason that could be given, for 
his (Roy's) being in Gowry's house at that time. Accord- 
ingly, upon the perpetration of the murder, he ran through 
the streets, yelling like one distracted, and calling on the 
people to rescue the king; and caused ring the bell. By 
these means, he succeeded in creating an alarm, and as- 
sembling a large body of the inhabitants before Gowry's 
house. But he failed in duping them so far, as to convince 
them that the Earl and his brother were slain in any attempt 
upon the king's person. For, on coming to the place, the 
circumstsnces that occurred soon satisfied them that this 
was only a fresh instance of James's villany* And so strong 
was their resentment, that they besieged him in the house, 
two or three hours; insulting him with the most opprobrious 
language, and threatening him with instant death*. Nor 
was it without the utmost exertions on the part of James 
and his attendants, that the people (several of whom were 
persons of distinction) were prevented from putting their 
threats into execution. Some of the courtiers were employ- 
ed in defending the gate ; whilst others, such as Lennox, 
and some of the Murrays, endeavoured to sooth the popu- 
lace by fair words. The surviving magistrates too, were 
called on to use their influence in prevailing on the people 

* " Gi'e us out our Provost, or the king's green coat shall pay for it," said 
one. " Come down thou son of Signor Davie, you have slain an .honester 
man than yourself," said another. 



167 
to desist, and when that course was found to be ineffectual, 
the baillies were directed to command them by proclamation 
in His Majesty's name to retire, under the pain of treason. 
Although the people had no high opinion of James's vera- 
city, in ordinary cases, they knew his character too well, 
to suppose that he would not keep his word on the present 
occasion. They therefore dispersed. In short, this story 
of bail] ie Roy's is the most foolish of the whole. Had he des- 
cried a hostile army at some distance, advancing against the 
town, he might very properly have gone or sent through 
the streets, and rung the alarm bell, to raise the inhabitants, 
because there was time for doing so ; but can any person be- 
lieve, that, when the danger was so imminent as it must 
have been, when the king cryed treason ! murder ! help ! 
any one who was at hand, and wished to give him assist- 
ance, would run away, bellowing like one demented, through 
the streets for help ? Would he not have hastened without 
losing a second of time to the place where the danger was, 
and where assistance must have been given instantly, or it 
would have come too late ? 

Secondly, James informs us, that before leaving Perth, 
he caused search the Earl's pockets for any letters or papers, 
that he might have upon him, which might be of use to 
throw light on the mystery ; and that they found nothing 
of that kind. They however found that he was a necro- 
mancer, magician, or wizard, as Sir Thomas Erskin ab- 
stracted, (Cromarty says from his girdle, James says from 
his pockets*) " certain magical characters." It would be 
presumption to enter into any controversy with James, re- 
lating to the reality and nature of witchcraft, as he was so 
for master of the subject, that he wrote a book on it. A 
very learned tract, no doubt. But as we are more scepti- 
cal, or less knowing, we shall, on this occasion, encounter 
him on other ground. 

And in the first place, even granting all that he has ad- 
vanced on this head, either by assertions or inuendos, to be 
true, what does it avail his cause ? He owns, that it was 
not till after they had slain both the brothers, that they 
made this discovery, consequently it cannot, in the least, 
justify them for slaying them. 

Secondly, These characters might be something else 

* These may easily be made to agree. Perhaps his pockets were in his 
girdle or attached to it. 



16$ 
than, words of enchantment," as we learn from Cromarty,- 
that they were unintelligible to all who did not " exercise 
that art," L e. necromancy. James and his party, we may 
well suppose, made the most of the matter that possibly 
could be made. Accordingly Nicolson, Elizabeth's resident 
in Scotland, who doubtless would get his information at 
court, writes to Cecil, a few days after this, " Upon the 
Earl, they say, were found characters, some for love, blood, 
&c. and one against the power of the Divine Majestic" On 
the other hand, the author of the book entitled, " The con- 
spiracy of the Ruthvens," published next year, informs us 
that to attract good, and repulse bad spirits, was one quali- 
ty in Gowry's charms. James, again, very gravely assures 
us that their efficacy appeared in another shape, for " while 
they were upon him (Go wry), his wound, whereof he died, 
bled not; but incontinent, after taking them away, the 
blood gushed out in great abundance, to the admiration of 
all the beholders*." 

The characters seem to have assumed different shapes at 
different periods. By Rynd's account, they were partly in 
Greek, partly in Latin, when he first saw them at Padua : 
yet Cromarty says, none but dabblers in the black art could 
understand them. Again, James says, they found only " a 
little close parchment bag full of magical characters, and 
words of inchantment" written, it would appear on separate 
bits or slips of paper. But by the time of the first Earl of 
Cromarty, who says he had them several years in his cus- 
tody, they had assumed a very different form. They then 
appeared in the likeness " of sheets of paper, stitched in the 
form of a book, near five inches long, and three broad, full 
of magical spells and characters." 

This Proteus-like quality of the characters, however, 
is no proof of their not being " magical spells." So far 
from it, that that is generally recognised as a characteristic 
of necromantic agents and instruments ; and it evinces a 
singular kind of sagacity in my Lord, which at length rais- 

* In order to save James's character from the ridicule naturally attached 
to such a story, his friends endeavour to account for this admirable bleeding, 
en natural principles. Perhaps, say they, it was occasioned by altering the 
posture of the body, when searching his pockets. But this is far from satis- 
factory. Gowry was killed between three and four o'clock. It was eight 
"before James left Perth. It was only a short time before his departure that 
he caused search the Earl's body ; and we know, that after a human body 
has been dead three or four hours, blood will not gush from it " in great a- 
bu'.idance." 



169 

ed him to great rank and opulence, that he knew these were 
magical characters, when he owns that he did not under- 
stand them. 

In the last place, we may observe, that there is not even 
the slightest legal evidence that any such characters were 
usually carried about Gowry's body, in his lifetime, or 
found on it after his death. 

At a precognition taken, August 20th, in Falkland, 
Rynd, indeed, is made to say, that he frequently saw these 
identical characters in My lord's possession, when they 
were in Italy. But we have already seen that whatever Rynd 
deponed, was extorted from him by torture. There is, be- 
sides, great probability that the whole of the account, said to 
be his deposition, is a forgery. We learn that James made no 
scruple to erase from the public records, whatever he con- 
sidered as derogatory to his own, or his family's reputation, 
and that he held out bribes to the historians of that period, 
who were willing to prostitute their works for that purpose*. 

It surely then will not be considered as an unfair infe- 
rence to suppose, that when he, or his creatures, had the 
uncontrolled fabrication of these records in their own hands, 
they would be careful to compose them of such materials, 
and after such a fashion, as suited their own views ; and never 
could a more convenient occasion, than the present, occur 
for doing so. On the one side was all the power and influ- 
ence of the kingdom; on the other, the parties were alrea- 
dy put to death, no advocate appeared for them, and their 
witnesses were either writhing under the torture, or deter- 
red by the fear of death from declaring the truth. But on 
this point we are not left to mere conjecture ; Nicolson, in 
a letter to Cecil, dated the very day after the precognition, 
writesf, " Master William Rynd the Pedagogue hath been 
extremely booted, but eonfesseth nothing of that matter a- 
gainst the Earl or his brother." Now, in opposition to 
the account published by the court, we here have the unso- 
licited testimony of a man, whose interest led him rather to 
flatter James. The world will decide to which credit is due. 

But further, no person is brought forward who witness- 
ed the abstraction of these characters from Gowry's body. 
James, in his " discourse," only tells us, that they were 
found in his pockets; but does not say where they then 
^erej ; nor what measures were taken, at that time, to iden- 

Y 

* Laing's History of Scotland, Vols. 1st and 2d, passim. f The origi- 
nal still exist* in the paper office, J At the time of his writing, 



170 

tify them, so that they might be certainly recognised after- 
wards. They were not entrusted to the keeping of the ma- 
gistrates of Perth, along with the three servants, and the 
two dead bodies of the Ruthvens, till the trial. Instead of 
that, Cromarty tells us, that they were delivered by Sir 
Thomas Erskine, who took them from Gowry's body, to 
his brother Sir George Erskine of Invertiel, who must have 
handed them about court, as we find Galloway had them 
in possession some few days afterwards, but Sir George seems 
to have again got them in keeping, for Cromarty adds, 
" These papers I found in Sir George Erskine of Invertile's 
Cabinet wrapt in paper, whereon was writ with Sir George's 
own hand, * These are the papers which Sir Thomas Ers- 
kine, my brother, did take out of the Earl of Gowry's gir- 
dle, after he was killed at Perth, and which papers were then 
delivered by my brother Sir Thomas to me to keep." This 
is the account which Cromarty gives of their coming into 
his custody; but how long they remained there, is not known. 
For when in 1713 he had sent the M. S. of his Conspiracies 
of the family of pQwry to the press, it occurred to him that 
a copy, or Fac Simile of these characters might be of use to 
some, and a matter of curiosity to others, he therefore stop- 
ped the press for some time, till he should endeavour to find, 
and transmit them to the printer ; but strange to tell, though 
about 120 years old, 1 13 of which they luid lien in a torpid 
ntatc, they had not lost their virtue, for when the Earl went 
in search of them, they had evanished, and have not been 
heard of since*. 

Perhaps some apology may be thought necessary for 
having dwelt so long on a subject so ridiculous as that of 
witchcraft now is. But it will be observed, that no serious 
defence is offered against the reality of the charge. It is 
only the unfair methods which were adopted in endeavour- 
ing to substantiate it, to which we have adverted. And we 
shall take leave of this head, after having stated that witch- 
craft and sorcery was, or were, the Hobby-horse of James 
VI. and even of the age in which he lived. All those whose 
abilities or attainments exceeded, in any great degree, the 

* Possibly the assertion that these characters had lien all this time in a tor- 
pid state is not quite correct. They may have been of service to Cromarty. 
This we are assured of, that with very slender natural abilities, and only a 
small portion of erudition, he attained great honours and the highest offices ir* 
the btate. And after passing his grand climacteric, he prevailed on a noble 
woman, rich, beautiful, and healthy, and under twenty years pf age, t«i 
give him her hand in marriage. 



171 

Ordinary standard, were seriously considered as necroman- 
cers by the commonalty. Those, again, who had hones- 
ty and courage enough to withstand the gross corruptions 
which then prevailed in the church, were sure to be tra- 
duced by the knavish priesthood, as emissaries of Satan. 
Gowry, then, who united both these qualities in his charac- 
ter, could not fail to be stigmatised as an adept in witchcraft ; 
and a more effectual method of extinguishing his popularity 
could not have been devised, than that of convicting him of 
witchcraft. . Every body believed in the existence of witches, 
and every body held them in abhorrence. Had the people 
been fully convinced that Gowry was a sorcerer, they would 
have considered him as more deserving of death, than though 
lie had cut the king's throat. 

Thirdly, The opinion which was generally entertained, 
at the time, concerning the reality of Gowry's conspiracy, 
together with the uncommon eagerness of James and his 
friends to impress on the mind of the world ah opinion of 
its reality, are no contemptible arguments in support of this 
system. We see that the people of Perth did not mince 
the matter ; they openly declared their sentiments, and that 
in no very courtly stile. , And such lengths did they go, 
tliat the Magistrates and Town Council, as representing the 
community, were summoned to appear before the king at 
Linlithgow, on the sixteenth of September, and answer for 
the contempt and indignity done His Majesty. Among o- 
thcr particulars are enumerated, " Certain irreverent and 
iindutiful speeches against His Majesty." 

The anxiety, too, which he evinced to have the clergy 
preach up the reality of a treasonable attempt, on the 
part of the two brothers against him, and the eagerness with 
which he persecuted the recusants, is no less observable. 
He was sensible that the guilt of the action was very glar- 
ing, and therefore endeavoured to be before hand with peo- 
ple's suspicion every where. He was likewise sensible, that 
a very powerful method of gaining partizans in a bffld causes 
is to make people commit themselves, before they are ac- 
quainted with the extent of its depravity. It was for this rea- 
son that, when he sent his account of the affair to the coun- 
cil, an order accompanied it for the ministers of the city 
of Edinburgh to convene their people on the morrow, and 
make an extraordinary profession of thanjdulness to the A)- 

Y2 



m 

mighty for his deliverance, for he well knew that — 

Quoti'cs vis fallere Plebem 

Finge Deum 

That this was his motive, appears from the vehemence with 
which he pressed an instant compliance, and the resentment 
which he shewed against those who wished to delay, for on- 
ly a day or two, merely for the purpose of gaining more sa- 
tisfactory information concerning the matter. Nay, they 
were not so much as allowed to consult among themselves, 
what steps should be taken. It is indeed fashionable, now- 
a-days, to allege, that no stress ought to be laid upon the 
opinion of these men, as they were a set of seditious fana- 
tics, aspiring at supremacy in both church and state. It 
would rather be foreign to our present purpose, to enter in- 
to a defence of the conduct of the leaders among the Pres- 
byterian clergy, in the end of the sixteenth century. It 
certainly was not irreproachable. But if we consider the 
period of time, and the circumstances in which they lived, 
we must be satisfied that many of these traits in their cha- 
racters, which we ridicule as foibles, and execrate as faults, 
were necessary for combating their opponents* and accom- 
plishing the great design which they had in view. It is by 
no means fair to charge them with fanaticism, sedition, in- 
humanity, and indifference to the arts and sciences, &c. 
without at the same time stating the superstition, immora- 
lity, and tyranny, which sell' preservation required them to 
resist ; nor with rudeness and ferocity of manners, without 
considering, whether, had they been what we of the pre- 
sent day term moderate and courteous* they could have freed 
the nation from the absurdities of the oppressions both civil 
and ecclesiastical, under which it then groaned. And if 
the Reformation clergy were either fanatics, or enthusiasts, 
they, at least, must have credit for the sincerity of their pro- 
fessions. In the present instance, especially, the Edinburgh 
ministers evidently were actuated by a conscientious regard 
to their duty. Before the king's account of the matter was 
imparted to them, they were informed through another 
channel, that it was a fabrication of falsehoods, and that the 
real state of the matter was, that a number of ruffians had 
murdered the two brothers. What then could the ministers 
do? Were they to insult heaven, and debase their own 
characters to please any man ? They had no alternative, 
but to do this, or delav the observance of a solemn thanks- 



173 

giving. Those who disobeyed, did it at the expense of their 
stipends, and situations in life. There can be little doubt 
that it was with the design of hood-winking the public, that 
Bishop Lindsay was sent over to act the farce of calling the 
people together, addressing them in the market place, and 
pretending to thank God for the signal preservation of the 
king from the two traitors. The case was urgent : a single 
day's delay would have afforded time for the real state of the 
affair to spread abroad, and for the people to reflect on the 
incongruity of the several circumstances set forth in the roy- 
al account, which, we may suppose, was not so well digest- 
ed at first, as when given to the public four weeks after- 
wards, even incoherent as it still is. 

So very keen was James to have his story universally 
credited, that when he went over from Fife on Monday, 
notwithstanding of his aversion to religious exercises, he 
that day* attended twice in meetings of the people, called 
for expressing their thankfulness to the Almighty for his 
late extraordinary interposition in favour of the King. 
First at Leith in the forenoon, where several of the nobili- 
ty met him, and went to church : and in the afternoon at 
Edinburgh, where Galloway, who officiated from the top of 
the Cross instead of a Pulpit, chose for a text the 124th 
Psalm, that his harangue might have some resemblance to 
a sermon, and so make the impression on the minds of the 
audience the deeper. But many parts of his narrative were 
but ill calculated for convincing the incredulous. After 
Galloway had finished, James addressed the populace, from 
the same rostrum, assuring them, that the story which 
they had heard his chaplain relate, was true as gospel. 

But James, finding that the severe steps which he had 
taken, against those who avowed their unbelief in his nar- 
rative, though they certainly did hinder other people from 
declaring their sentiments, were so far from altering them, 
that they rather tended to confirm those, who doubted, at 
length thought proper to try the opposite course. He re- 
laxed a good deal in his rigorous measures against the scep- 
tical clergy, and endeavoured by different methods, to con-- 
ciliate the good-will of all who had taken any kind of lead 
in the matter, or were more immediately interested in it. 
For instance, the same day in which Gowry was forfeited, 
James dated a thousand pounds annually to the poor, out 
of the rents of Gowry's estate. That same day too, with 



27* 
the view no doubt, of ingratiating himself with the inhabit 
tants .of Perth, he granted them a charter of confirmation, 
of all their ancient privileges. And besides these, he ap- 
pointed Perth to take precedence of Dundee, in the roll of 
royal boroughs ; a point which had been long keenly litiga- 
ted. And so very forward was he, at this time, to serve 
Perth, that he granted the townsmen certain privileges be- 
longing to Dundee, relative to a monopoly of trade, in cer- 
tain parts of the Tay ; which the Privy Council found ne- 
cessary to retract, within little more than a year after, at 
the complaint of the Dundeesmen. And still the better to 
cajole the people of Perth, within a few months afterwards, 
lie went to that town, and was made a burgess, enrolling 
himself with his own hand. 

But all this coaxing and condescension was thrown a- 
way. For neither at that time, nor at this, nor at any in- 
tervening period, did those who gave themselves the trou- 
ble of thoroughly investigating the matter, and had forti- 
tude to avow their opinions, consider him in any other 
light, than as an unprincipled villain. Indeed Sir Francis 
Osburn tells us, that even at that iiine, no Scotchmen yon 
could meet with beyond sea, but did laugh at the king's ac- 
count of the matter. 

On the other hand however, James assures us, that on 
his way home, in the evening, though the weather was very 
bad, " the whole way was clad with all sort of people," for 
the purpose of congratulating him on his escape. He does 
not condescend on a single person, nor advise us of any 
particulars, further than that some of them were a-foot, and 
others on horseback. Indeed, of the vast number which 
he says waited on him, on his way to Falkland, report has' 
only handed down the name of a solitary individual. This 
is William Moncrieff of Moncrieff. The road from Perth 
to Falkland lay through this Gentleman's property, and 
being of no small consideration, in Lower Strathearn, His 
Highness it seems stopped, and gave him such an account of 
the transactions of the day as he thought proper. Mr 
Moncrieff heard him to Amen : but having in his younger 
days been one of James's body guard, he had become ac- 
quainted with Flis Majesty's character. Therefore, though 
bred a courtier, he replied, " It is a strange story, please 
Your Majesty, if it be true." 

James adds, that a great number of his subjects waited 



175 

on him at Falkland, and Edinburgh, during the following 
ten days, for the like purpose : and that every where, the 
bells were rung, guns fired, and bonfires lighted, as a tes- 
timony of universal joy. 

This is by no means incredible. By a very little ma- 
nagement, such as dispatching emissaries through the coun- 
try, on the same errand, as that on which Baiilie Roy ran 
along the streets of Perth, a little latent loyalty 7 , and a great 
deal of pretended regard would be excited towards James. 
And as the people dispersed through the country could not 
have the same opportunities of coming at the truth, whate- 
ver their suspicions might be, it is not to be wondered at, 
that they did not break out into similar outrages. 

Fourthly, The Royal account of the transaction bore, 
that there was a man in the closet or turret, when the king 
and Alexander entered ; and that he was stationed there, 
for the purpose of assisting in murdering His Majesty. 

As this was the only one present, when Alexander was 
said to have made the attempt on the Royal person, his 
appearance, and avowal of the share which he had in the 
affair, was matter of the utmost importance. But being a 
mere man of straw, it was not without the greatest difficulty, 
that any body could be found, who would take the crime 
upon him, as every one was well acquainted with James's 
cruelty and perfidy, none was willing to trust to his cle- 
mency: especially in a case like this, where it might become 
expedient, for the preservation of His Majesty's honour, 
that they should " seal their testimony with their blood." 
And so completely were the king and his friends baffled for 
a time in their attempts to find one who would personate 
this non-entity, that there is not a circumstance of the whole, 
which more clearly evinces the futility of the Royal nar- 
rative. 

For some days after the fifth of August, James gave out 
that the person, who was in the closet, was named Leslie. 
But it was soon discovered that he would not submit to the 
risque : so another called Gray was pitched on ; but he was 
equally distrustful. One Robert Oliphant, said by some, 
to have been a servant to Gowry, was then given out for 
the man. But he absolutely refusing to take it on him, 
and it appearing, that he could establish an alibi, it was 
laid upon Henry Younger, another servant of the Earl's. 
But, like the rest, he was afraid of the consequences, and 



176 

therefore determined to take no concern in the matter. The 
court, perceiving no end of this, resolved to bring it to a 
conclusion at all events. So when Younger attempted to 
go to Falkland, to expurgate himself, he was met by a party, 
sent from the king, commanded by one Colonel Bruce. 
Younger, aware of his danger, as being a servant of Gow- 
ry's, attempted to secrete himself in a field of corn. But 
Bruce discovered and slew him ; and then carried his corpse 
to Falkland, where it was exposed to public view, as the 
body of a traitor: His Majesty giving out, that it was- the 
identical person whom they found armed in the turret. 
They now plumed themselves not a little, as having at 
length settled this point, in so satisfactory a manner, since, 
by the man's death, there was no danger of his contradicting 
their account. But a sad fatality attended their endeavours 
to establish this part of the story, for they afterwards came 
to learn, that it was publicly known, that Younger was in 
Dundee, at the time of his master's death. It does not, 
however, appear, that James was anywise abashed, from 
being convicted of so many falsehoods. And, indeed, we 
know that his feelings, in such a case, were by no means 
troublesome. He, however, must have felt the disappoint- 
ment, and therefore he resolved to go to work, in quite a 
different way. Instead of fixing the guilt on any one, con- 
trary to that person's inclination, he determined to try what 
effect a bribe would have, in bringing forward somebody to 
assume the character of the armed man in the turret. On 
this, Andrew Henderson, the Earl's factor, partly," no 
doubt, by the consideration, that as one of Gowry's retain- 
ers, he already stood in a hazardous situation ; and partly, 
it is said, at the instigation of Galloway, the court chaplain, 
appeared, and declared himself to have been the man, whom 
James and Alexander found in the turret when they enter- 
ed : and his perjuries on this occasion were eminently ser- 
viceable. But he was the most unlucky person who could 
have taken up the business, for the king gave out, that the 
person whom he found armed in the closet, was a black, 
grim man, whereas Henderson was a little ruddy-faced, red- 
bearded man. And a day or two afterwards, when James 
related the story to " the Gudeman of Pitmenie," who pro- 
bably had waited on His Majesty, to congratulate him on 
the occasion, the goodman suggested, that probably the man 
in the turret was Henderson, the king replied, " Na, it 



17? 

was not he, I ken that smack well enough*." Yet whett 
none else cduld be found, they were glad to father that cha* 
racter on him. 

Fifthly, So soon after Henderson assumed this charac- 
ter, as they could arrange the several parts of the tale, the 
discourse was published by authority. In a short time a£« 
terwards, a reply, or counter manifesto, setting forth the 
matter in its true light, written by some friend of the 
Ruthven family, made its appearance. The discovery of a 
copy of this performance would now be a valuable acquisi- 
tion ; but there is no probability that any such exists, as 
the government instantly ordered the publication to be sup- 
pressed, an order which, we fear, has been successfully 
executed. 

Here, again, is another evidence of James's guilt. If 
he was innocent, why prevent the matter from being Can- 
vassed ? Truth never suffers by investigation ; and in every 
case, an accused person, if conscious of his innocence, will 
court an enquiry into his conduct, but more especially when 
sensible that the public opinion runs so much against him, 
as James found that it did against himself, on this occasion. 
He was extremely anxious to have the world believe him 
innocent; so much so, indeed, that notwithstanding the 
known cruelty of his disposition, and the imbecility of his 
intellects, on few occasions did his ferocious temper break 
forth with such virulence, as it did on this, against every one 
who dared express a doubt of his account of the massacre 
of the two brothers. Yet he employed the power which he 
possessed, as sovereign, to quash this attempt to clear up 
the pretended mystery, the only one of the kind, as far as 
we know, which was made at that time, well aware that 
the best way to prevent the indication of his guilt, with 
which the neighbourhood was then well acquainted, from 
spreading, and being perpetuated, was to stifle all enquiry 
into the matter. 

Sixthly, Another contrivance to escape detection, was 
the taking away the lives of Cranston, Craigingelt, and the 
officer on the Strathearn estate, before the trial of the two 
brothers. Even on the supposition of all that James al- 
leges being true, there evidently is a great deficiency in the 
proof. It is only on circumstantial evidence, that the Earl 
of Gowry was convicted. The three persons above men- 



* Calderwood- 



178 

tioned were only accused of being accessaries. No other* 
of the servants were ever discovered to have been engaged 
in the plot, excepting Henderson, and he was said to de- 
clare, all along, that he knew nothing of the matter, being 
put into the turret, merely, it would appear, as a post to hang 
the dagger on, that it might be at hand, when wanted to 
butcher the king. The Ruthvens of Freeland, Moncriefi^ 
and Eviot, all had thought it prudent to abscond, so that 
there was not a single witness who could say that the Earl 
was engaged in the conspiracy, unless it shoukl be the three 
servants who were in custody. In such circumstances, we 
presume, it is not in the power of any rational person to 
believe that the crown would have deprived itself of the be- 
nefit of the accomplices, in the conviction of the principals, 
if it had not been aware that their declarations would have 
been hostile to its designs. But so intent was the govern- 
ment to make sure work of the taking away their lives, that 
several of the king's domestics, and those who were con- 
cerned in the murder at Perth, were appointed their jud- 
ges. Although the pannels might have foreseen that their 
case was helpless, they nevertheless objected to this; an ob- 
jection which would have been sustained, had the smallest 
regard been paid to decency, not to say justice. There 
was, however, little probability in disinterested and dispas- 
sionate judges taking these men's lives, therefore, it being 
thought necessary that the king's dependants, and associates 
in the murder shoukl be retained for this purpose, the ob- 
jection was repelled. And not a doubt can remain of the 
innocence of the three servants ; 'even Spottiswood informs 
us that they declared, in their last moments, that they were 
perfectly innocent of every kind of design on the king, and 
that they were ignorant of the Earl of Gowry, or his bro- 
ther, being engaged in any such enterprise : and Spottis- 
wood was a staunch friend of James's. 

Seventhly, A circumstance no less ludicrous, is the punc- 
tuality with which the letter of the law was followed out at 
the trial, in some matters which were absolutely of no im- 
portance, whilst equity, or the spirit of justice, was outrag- 
ed in a most shameful manner. 

The 4th of November was the day appointed for the tri- 
al, and, as none of the parties summoned appeared, except 
the dead bodies of the Earl and the Honourable Alexander 
Jluthven, the court was not satisfied with the production 



m 

of the execution of the summons in the ordinary way, % 
for the greater certification, took the oaths of the officers 1 , 
stating, that they had duly served the summons, and ad- 
journed to the 9th, under pretence e>f affording the accused 
a few days more, for appearing. This vas done although 
they well knew, that they had already proscribed those per- 
sons, and had endeavoured to apprehend ther* as traitors, 
deserving the fate of the two brothers ; and had di^harged 
all of the name of Ruthven from coming near the place 
where the king was, under the pain of treason ; and only a 
month before, had, by royal proclamation, ordered all of 
them out of the kingdom. On the 9th this was repeated, 
with the addition of letters of Relaxation, produced by the 
crown lawyer, freeing the parties from trouble on every o- 
ther account, excepting the charge of treason, and then ad- 
journed to the 15th. On that day the farce was a third 
time repeated, before proceeding to the trial. 

Perhaps lawyers consider these formalities as necessary, 
and for ought we know, they are so ; but in the present case, 
we are certain that nothing was further from the desire of 
those who so strictly enforced the observance of them, than 
the rigorous dispensation of justice ; otherwise they would 
not have suffered Lennox, Mar, Ramsay, Erskin, and Wil- 
son, who were implicated in the charge of murdering the 
two brothers, to be witnesses ; nor Lennox and Mar to sit 
judges in the trial, and even to be of the number of the lords 
of the articles, to whom the examination of the witnesses 
was exclusively committed. 

This was straining at a gnat, yet swallowing a camel. 
In our own country, we do not recollect ever to have heard 
of so gross a mockery of justice. 

Eighthly, The extirpation of the whole males of the house 
of Gowry, evidently formed part of the plot. The two 
youngest brothers, William and Patrick, resided at Dirl- 
ton, with their mother. There was much danger in allow- 
ing them to survive. Instances, not a few, occur in histo- 
ry, where a single shoot, being overlooked in rooting out 
a family, has not only continued the family tree, but 
sometimes encreased so as to overwhelm its oppressors. 
James doubtless considered, that if the two youths were pre- 
served, and should remain in the country unmolested, the 
time might come when they would have interest sufficient 
to procure a revisal of the proceedings against their fami* 



186 

iy, which certainly would have issued in a reversal. Or 
they might have formed a party strong enough to do them- 
selves justice, without having recourse to law. Therefore, 
some days before the death of the two brothers, James wrote 
to the Hon. Wilk'am Ruthven, the next eldest brother, 
who then resided at Dirlton with his mother, to meet him 
at Perth on the 5th of August; and when this mode of 
ensnaring them proved unsuccessful, an attempt was made 
on the succeeding evening [August 6th,] to apprehend 
both the younger brothers, but getting notice of the design, 
they escaped into England. We know that rarely do the 
politically unfortunate experience friendship at the hands of 
a courtier ; however, as Kennedy, who sent the young gen- 
tlemen the notice, is said to have once been a servant to 
their father, perhaps he was an exception to this. But a- 
wake as our suspicions are, we confess that it seems not at 
all unlikely, that he was an agent of the royal party. Be- 
cause, had the young men stood their ground, and dared 
the court to convict them of being concerned in any trai- 
torous design, they might have proved a rallying point for 
the adherents of their family, and embarrassed James and 
his party not a little. They might not only have defended 
themselves, but evinced the innocence of their elder bro- 
thers. No alternative then remained for the court, but ei- 
ther to seize or cut them off by some means or other ; or to 
intimidate them so as to make them quit the country. And 
it is not impossible that Kennedy was employed for the lat- 
ter purpose. 



Such are the arguments on which the several theories, 
that have been advanced for elucidating this controverted 
portion of history, rest* It is not here meant to make any 
recapitulation, or additional observations. Every one will 
judge for himself; and no one, whose mind is unbiassed by 
prejudice or interest, can be at a loss how to decide. 



FINIS. 



ft. MORISON, PRiN 
PERTU, 181 



.NTER,? 



LBJa/07 



feB 



HH3& 



